On September 27, 2017, the resignation of the head of Dagestan Ramazan Abdulatipov took place. The politician remained in this position for four years, from September 8, 2013 - first as president, and on January 1, 2014, he changed the title of the position to the more modest “head”. This resignation was the 52nd for Abdulatipov (that is how many times, according to the calculations of the republican administration, rumors about his resignation arose). But now - real and final.
I'm between retirement and retirement. “Today I am writing a letter of resignation,” Ramazan Abdulatipov explained the situation on the air of Radio Komsomolskaya Pravda. - It had to be done. There are some general laws. 71 years already. Landscaping is underway. That's why I decided to join those who are not suitable for landscaping, so as not to interfere. Dagestan is now on the rise, we can talk about a way out of the most severe crisis. I thanked Russian President Vladimir Putin for this, and he thanked me too. So it's very good to leave when you are thanked.
Ramazan Abdulatipov was given control of a region that was indeed very difficult in all respects: with an active terrorist underground, high unemployment, poorly developed infrastructure, and huge debts in the housing and communal services sector.
The politician solved problems as best he could. But he always did it in a very colorful way. “KP in the North Caucasus” decided to recall the most striking statements of the retired head of Dagestan Ramazan Abdulatipov:
...that it’s enough to feed the Caucasus
“I am ashamed to go to Putin and say that his instructions are not being carried out. We all together brought Dagestan to this state. The feeding model that was formed between the federal center and the republic. He came, asked, received, ate... Asked again, ate again. You can’t live like that!” (November 25, 2013).
...about Stalin's methods
“I'm not going to pretend to be the president. I am 67 years old, I have depicted everything in this life that was possible. I want the republic to rise out of this Dark Ages. But so far people are working very sluggishly, they are dragging their feet. If it were Stalin times, it would have been possible, of course, to send a child to Magadan for three years. For re-education" (November 25, 2013).
...about the old anthem of Dagestan
“The anthem reminds me of letters of complaint from districts to management. It sounds like a funeral" (September 2015).
...about the need to pay bribes
“I came across Rosobrnadzor. I myself gave a bribe to Rosobrnadzor! Why are you laughing? I was the rector of the university, it was necessary to carry out the certification normally, as a human being. I was forced to pay a bribe. Although I have always been against this. People persuaded me, they said: “We will fail. We should have given them at least a little!” (April 27, 2017).
...about attempts to ban the celebration of New Year and Christmas in Dagestan
“New Year is an ancient Dagestan holiday. Those who lived far in the mountains as children must remember how we gathered on the longest winter night and celebrated the holiday, performing a number of rituals, including decorating trees. This holiday does not contradict any religious dogmas. And Christmas is ours! And then someone starts saying that this is not our holiday. How can a believer speak out against the Nativity of Christ? We consider him our prophet. And the second most important holiday, the Circumcision of the Lord, also speaks of our common roots” (December 2013).
...about difficulties in recruiting personnel
“Finding a normal mayor for Makhachkala turned out to be a difficult task. He appointed one, a man of science, in general he tried, but he does not know the huge economy. He directed the second one, he knows everything, but he tries to work a little for himself. If only a little, right? I think that Musa Musaev also works for himself a little bit” (August 2, 2017).
...about non-standard ways to combat terrorism
“Photos with the faces of these traitors should be posted on “boards of shame” in every village. The Untsukul district became famous thanks to the imams Shamil and Gazimagomed, and now it has been disgraced by the Gadzhidadaevs” (March 26, 2016).
...about how to correct the situation in Russian football
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Political scientists on who will replace Abdulatipov as head of Dagestan: it will be difficult to choose a candidate
“KP in the North Caucasus” asked the country’s leading political scientists to comment on the resignation of the leader of Dagestan, as well as to express their assumptions about the future prospects for both the entire republic and the future politician ().
The head of Dagestan, Ramazan Abdulatipov, confirmed to the media that he will resign in the near future. He cites his age as the reason - 71 years old. He did not answer what Mr. Abdulatipov intends to do in the future. The presidential decree on resignation has not yet been officially published.
“I will submit my resignation,” said the head of Dagestan Ramazan Abdulatipov in an interview with the radio station “Moscow Speaks.” “Most likely today. What's next? I'll return somewhere if I'm alive and well. I have a very wide range of interests in this regard.” Mr. Abdulatipov cited his age as the reason for this decision (the head of the republic turned 71 on August 4), making it clear that this decision was made not by him, but by the administration of the President of Russia (AP). “The reasons for the resignation are age has come, 71 years already,” he said. “I think this reason is because on all other issues the republic is on the rise, it has emerged from the severe crisis in which it was.”
Rumors about his impending resignation accompanied Ramazan Abdulatipov throughout his entire period in power. In February of this year, giving a report to deputies of the People's Assembly, he even spoke about the “Abdulatipov paradox,” which was formulated by “one of the federal officials.” When asked by the head of the republic what kind of paradox this was, the official replied that throughout his work in Dagestan, rumors about his resignation did not stop: “You achieve positive dynamics within three or four years, but you have already been fired 48 times.” “As of today, it’s 52 times,” Mr. Abdulatipov clarified. “It’s useless, guys, don’t do this! This is not your responsibility.
The president of the country, the chairman of the government of the country, even Allah, inshallah, treat me normally - look what the weather is like! We are not the ones who decide these issues, this is not delegated to us,” he added.
Yulia Rybina, Makhachkala
Maxim Shevchenko journalistIt seems that Abdulatipov’s resignation should be discussed, but the feeling is strange. There is some awkwardness felt. It’s as if some kind of children’s and youth performance “about how to be good” has ended, which they took to at school as mandatory educational... And now they are required to write an essay “for a city job” based on what they watched.
There’s nothing to write about!
The play is completely false, the actors played according to instructions - with pathetic monologues and stilted mise-en-scenes. The audience knew in advance who was good, who was bad, who would read the moral at the end, and what moralizing vulgarity would be heard.
Everything is known and hateful, but you have to sit and watch - the parents have paid for the money, the order has come from the Regional Educational Institution, and the school director is closely monitoring that no one talks in the hall, does not play cards, does not sleep, and does not run away from the viewing.
The last one and a half to two years of Abdulatipov's reign were so unbearable and awkward - it was clear that everything, the end, was not the place for him and his family with servants and sycophants at the head of Dagestan. That his presence in the republic is unbearable.
That brazen corruption and extortion, which every Dagestani knows about, has reached its limit and exceeded it.
That the lies and deception of the federal center about the situation in the republic are obvious to everyone who takes the trouble to simply look at Dagestan with open eyes, and not from the pages of the “federal media” bought by Abdulatipov’s PR men.
And the picture with Putin on horseback in the Akhulgo memorial, and the costume a la Stalin at his own anniversary, and all these praises of the court singers about the great philosopher and scientist who liberated the Dagestanis from slavery at the beginning and the joke about “greening the governor’s staff” at the end, and much more they simply highlighted the Mokoka houses that were burned and unrestored, despite promises, statements about tens of thousands of terrorist accomplices (lists of illegal occupational records of observant Muslims), the murdered Hasan-Huseinov boys, the case of whose death was not opened and buried, humiliating manipulations with the State Duma elections for the Kremlin , lies to Putin about the allegedly investigated murders of Dagestani journalists and much more.
His and his family's task was to earn money - as much as they could carry. Let them take them away, God be with them, as long as they go further away, “to teach at a university.”
The question is - who's next?
Doesn't Dagestan deserve a modern, sane, educated leader who will assemble a team of progressive, non-corrupt Dagestanis who love their homeland, and will attract specialists from other regions who fundamentally refuse to rob the people and steal the budget?
The head of Dagestan, Ramazan Abdulatipov, announced his intention to resign on September 27 after visiting and consulting with its leader. The formal reason for resignation is age. The head of Dagestan is now 71 years old; according to the law on civil service, 70 years is the age limit for a civil servant. Abdulatipov himself said that he proposed several candidates for his post.
“We are conscientious people, so we understand when we need to write about resigning. There are some general laws. Well, 71 years already. Personnel are being replanted,” Ramazan Abdulatipov commented on his decision to the Komsomolskaya Pravda radio station.
Abdulatipov’s resignation is the first change in the leadership of the North Caucasus republic in a long time. At the same time, it fits into the current course of the federal center towards the renewal of the Russian elite. Last week, the media announced the resignation of up to ten heads of Russian regions in the near future. Sources of Gazeta.Ru named the heads of the Samara and Nizhny Novgorod regions and the head of the Krasnoyarsk Territory in the forefront. The president dismissed the first two from office on Monday and Tuesday, the third announced the decision himself on Wednesday, September 27.
As Gazeta.Ru’s interlocutors close to the leadership of Dagestan note, “the resignation of the head was predicted for a long time,” but Abdulatipov himself made it clear that he enjoys Putin’s trust and does not intend to resign.
Avarets Abdulatipov was appointed acting head of Dagestan in 2013 and a little later was approved for this post by the country's parliament. A former Soviet scientist, he was one of the iconic political figures of the 1990s. As deputy chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, he led difficult negotiations with the Kremlin during the political crisis of 1993.
However, despite the good qualities of the negotiator, it was not possible to cope with the difficult situation in multinational Dagestan, where there is an ongoing struggle against radical Islamist groups. An important problem for the republic in recent years has been the mass exodus of young people to Syria to join radical terrorist groups.
In an interview with Gazeta.Ru in 2015, Abdullatipov said that about 600 people left the region for Syria:
“Some go after selling their property, and these are not always the poor and unfortunate who have nowhere to go. To a greater extent, these are people who no longer find support in Dagestan itself.”
At the same time, Nabi Abdullaev, a leading analyst at the international consulting company Control Risks, notes in a conversation with Gazeta.Ru that Abdulatipov was “lucky that Syria attracted the radicals and the tension subsided. Somehow everyone breathed a calmer breath.”
At the same time, local residents also often complained about the lawlessness of the security forces, who allegedly often detained citizens on far-fetched charges of terrorism and for the sake of “sweet reporting.” The republic's public was outraged by the recent acquittal of Badrudin Musaev, the son of the mayor of Makhachkala, who staged a daring drive with gross traffic violations at an intersection right in the center of Makhachkala and attacked the approaching police officers with his fists.
Federal authorities recognized that certain successes had been achieved under Abdulatipov's rule. In terms of economic growth rates, the republic was in the top ten Russian regions, and in terms of tax collection rates it took fourth place. The head of Dagestan himself noted that in order to improve the situation, 80% of district leaders who had been in office for 10-15 years had to be replaced. “We have replaced about 80% of the heads of districts and cities of Dagestan,” he told Gazeta.Ru.
Under Abdulatipov, the situation with tourism also began to improve - the rise in prices for trips abroad helped. As local residents noted, more and more Russians from other regions and federal capitals began to appear at the winter mountain resorts of the republic. Statistics confirm their words: in 2016, 20% more tourists came to the republic than in 2015.
It is not yet known who will replace Abdulatipov as head of the republic, but the choice that the Kremlin faces is quite difficult. The appointment of an unacceptable candidate could cause a negative reaction in the multinational republic - more than 100 nationalities live in Dagestan, and this is a key factor influencing the appointment of a new head of the republic.
Abdulatipov, who left the post of head of the republic, was an Avar, and the publication’s interlocutors believe that there is a 99% chance that the new head of the republic will not be an Avar.
“One of the possible candidates for the position of head of the republic is the deputy chairman, a Dargin,” says one of the interlocutors familiar with the situation.
Candidates may also be found among “smart businessmen squeezed out of the republic” and security officials responsible for security in the region. “Everyone is waiting for something new, based on [their] mentality: clans that have lost power - the return of their feudal lord; those who consider themselves patriots expect someone who is not involved in corruption. But he will appoint the center based on his understanding of usefulness - devotion,” the interlocutor notes.
Four and a half years ago, the appointment of Ramazan Abdulatipov, a man who enjoyed authority even in the Central Committee of the CPSU, to the post of head of Dagestan, instilled hope in hundreds of thousands of residents of the republic. By the time of the sudden arrest of his predecessor Magomedsalam Magomedov, most of the Dagestanis were already very tired of poverty, unemployment, terrorist attacks and the brutally glamorous display of the local administrative elite. Abdulatipov was perceived as a “Moscow” experienced politician, not very involved in the struggle of clans, but well versed in local intricacies.
Then, at the end of January 2013, few could have imagined that a doctor of philosophy and socialist theorist, who had made a fantastic career - from a rural paramedic to deputy chairman of the Federation Council, the Russian government, and rector of a cultural university - would turn out to be the most criticized leader of Dagestan in the entire history of local government .
Unprecedented powers
Abdulatipov was appointed and. O. the President of the Republic as a proven, tough and knowledgeable person in administrative work. He was given such freedom of action that even the head of neighboring Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov, could not think of. The Ministry of Internal Affairs, the FSB, and the social and economic blocs of the Russian government were recommended to help the new head in everything. He could attract huge funds for any project. However, in the first two years of his work, the President of Dagestan managed to cause bewilderment with his actions in almost everyone - from housewives to the heads of the Presidential Administration.
Dagestan under Abdulatipov became a “base” for terrorists of all stripes - from ISIS, the Caucasus Emirate and small armed cells of radicals.
If Abdulatipov used his unlimited powers, it was not in the fight against Islamic radicalism and terrorism. During his reign, the number of residents of the republic who left to fight for the Islamic State (an organization banned in the Russian Federation) increased from one and a half hundred people to 1,200. In 2016 alone, the number of young people recruited by IS increased by 300 people. At the same time, local authorities had almost no control over the propaganda of radicalism and terrorism among the population. During Abdulatipov's presidency, three natives of Dagestan became prominent ISIS field commanders fighting in Iraq and Syria, including against Russian units. Abu Banat (Magomed Abdurakhmanov), a native of the village of Khadzhalmakhi, who previously worked at the Dagestan Center for Countering Extremism, was fired and then left for Aleppo, where he created his own terrorist cell. Another terrorist and religious preacher is Abu Zeid (Muhammad Akhmedov). Akhmedov preached unhindered for a long time in dozens of villages in the republic. And after he was informed about possible detention by security forces, he left to “work” in Syria. The most famous of those recruited by terrorists, and later becoming a field commander, is Al-Bara (Chamsulvara Chamsulvaraev). Chamsulvarayev was the European champion in freestyle wrestling in 2009 and a medalist at the World Championships. His “trick” was the recruitment of “suicide bombers.”
In recent years, all central media outlets have reported on the free existence of terrorist groups on the territory of Dagestan. But the leadership of the republic, judging by the sluggish reaction to what was happening, paid too little attention to this problem. It is not surprising that within a few months the activities of radicals quickly spread to the territory of Chechnya and Kabardino-Balkaria. In fact, Dagestan under Abdulatipov became a “base” for terrorists of all stripes - from ISIS, the Caucasus Emirate and small armed cells of radicals.
At the same time, Abdulatipov complained to journalists that he was “very limited in his capabilities” on the territory of the republic. But this did not stop his subordinates from siphoning huge sums from the budget under the guise of pensions for the disabled. Representatives of the President of the Republic’s team quickly mastered this scheme, registering disability for healthy people for a fee. And even the scandal with the head of the Pension Fund of the Republic of Dagestan, Saigida Murtazaliev, who was accused of putting the issuance of permits for compensation from the state on stream, did not immediately stop the running corruption machine.
Huge posters with his portrait and wise sayings hung throughout the republic; Abdulatipov’s books were in the most prominent places in the offices of local officials at all levels
Abdulatipov's resignation was predicted at the end of 2015, and in September 2016, and even at the end of August of this year. His departure was expected primarily due to the unstable political situation that arose after he appointed friends, fellow countrymen and relatives to key positions in the republic (home to 33 nations, each of which has its own language and traditions). “Our people” pulled together a chain of acquaintances and close associates, and the result was not a team of like-minded people, but a motley circle. It turned out that the president had almost no one to rely on both when carrying out strategically important political tasks and solving local problems. And the political elite itself, created by Abdulatipov, did not really trust their president. Apparently realizing that, if necessary, he could turn away from everyone except his closest associates.
The President of the Republic was given all kinds of honors, huge posters with his portrait and wise sayings hung throughout the republic, Abdulatipov’s books were in the most prominent places in the offices of local officials at all levels. But everyone understood that the rule of the Soviet ideologist could not be long for a number of serious reasons.
Plans and clans
At first, the discrepancies in Abdulatipov’s words and actions were attributed to his attempts to solve problems “with one right hand.” The first thing the new president promised was to dismiss all “penny-pinchers and bribe-takers” from the civil service. Then he said that he had begun to fragment the clans and would not allow informal relations to paralyze the system of government in the republic. When it came to appointments, it turned out that the “new” team consisted of eighty percent of the previous officials.
Six months later, the first wave of discontent swept through the republic. Residents began signing collective demands and petitions. And a year later, smile in response to Abdulatipov’s reports about the breakthrough growth of the Dagestan economy.
Cottage economy
Moscow began to demand concrete results from the republic, which has excellent agricultural and tourism potential. But the only thing the president could boast of was a reduction in the unemployment rate due to the fact that tens of thousands of adult men were forced to leave their families and go to work in other regions of Russia. Another growth indicator is that from 2012 to 2016 the number of crimes increased by 13%. Among the negative indicators is a decline in the birth rate by 8.4% over the same period.
The reason for the slow growth of the economy of this agricultural region was that the most fertile arable lands and pastures under Abdulatipov began to be built up with cottage villages. The villages that had previously lived off this land began to quickly become poor, there was nowhere to work, and young people, following the “urban ones,” left for large cities in Russia or went into the terrorist underground
There were also positive changes: the average salary in the republic increased by almost 40% (19 thousand rubles). And for the first time in many years, due to the federal policy on import substitution, the budget of Dagestan turned out to be in surplus.
But judging by the Kremlin’s restrained reaction, the positive trends were perceived with skepticism. And this is understandable: the republic, through which one of the busiest international transport routes in the world passes, has enormous agricultural potential due to the production of unique environmentally friendly food products, several climatic zones ideal for different types of tourism, including beach, almost does not develop the economy.
As it turned out, the reason for the slow growth of the economy of this agricultural region was that the most fertile arable lands and pastures under Abdulatipov began to be built up with cottage villages. The villages that had previously lived off this land began to quickly become poor, there was nowhere to work, and young people, following the “urban ones,” left for large Russian cities or went into the terrorist underground.
Not an investment, but a circus?
Interest in President Abdulatipov's projects in the Russian government faded quite quickly. The sources are silent about the reason why the republic has not received the potentially gigantic sums allocated for it. There was talk about too much of a “safety cushion” built in in case of corruption. But no one provided direct evidence of this. In any case, the Ministry of Energy refused to allow Abdulatipov to build a plant for the production of liquefied gas.
Rosneft prevented the transfer of land on the Caspian Sea coast from federal ownership to the republic. Gazprom has reduced the gasification program for Dagestan to a negligible 5 million rubles. RosHydro limited work to re-equipment of the Dagestan hydroelectric power station and completely “covered up” projects for the construction of new hydroelectric power stations.
Ramazan Abdulatipov planned to spend... 2 billion rubles on the circus in the coming months.
It is significant that all this happened against the backdrop of eccentric statements by the head of the republic regarding upcoming investments. The latest such proposal was a program to support circus arts. Ramazan Abdulatipov planned to spend... 2 billion rubles on the circus in the coming months.
Dove of happiness and peace pipe
“He let pigeons fly into the sky, spoke about the basics of philosophy at a republican parent meeting, admitted that he gave a bribe to Rosobrnadzor and even smoked a peace pipe with the Akhvakh Indians.”
Perhaps realizing that the current policy would result in resignation in the coming months and nothing could be done about it, the President of Dagestan decided to show the people his “human face.” As they say, leave behind a good memory. Ramazan Abdulatipov released doves into the sky, spoke about the basics of philosophy at a republican parent meeting, admitted that, and even smoked a peace pipe with the Akhvakh Indians.
The answer came almost immediately: two cases of illegal possession of weapons were opened against the Minister of Education of Dagestan and the head of the local Federal Antimonopoly Service, an attempt to discredit the mayor of Makhachkala by initiating a criminal case against his son
The response to all these performances by the president was rallies, appeals demanding the resignation of Abdulatipov and. Over the past year alone, Dagestanis have expressed dissatisfaction with what they believe is the open sale of government positions, the very high mortality rate in maternity hospitals, and the abuse of disabled children in boarding schools. The situation reached the point where Abdulatipov’s appointees also began to openly oppose the head of the republic. The answer came almost immediately: two cases of illegal possession of weapons were opened against the Minister of Education of Dagestan and the head of the local Federal Antimonopoly Service. There was also an attempt to discredit the mayor of Makhachkala after a criminal case was initiated against his son.
Simultaneously with the attempt to “press down” the dissatisfied, criminal cases continue to be initiated against officials from Abdulatipov’s own circle. Investigators accuse his proteges of a whole range of crimes: the head of the branch of the Russian Pension Fund for the republic, Sagid Murtazaliev, and the head of the Kizlyar district, Andrei Vinogradov, of involvement in murders and financing terrorism; five officials of the Tarumovsky district, together with the head of the district, Marina Abramkina, for fraud and abuse of power in the sale of a land plot. And it seems that these are only the first cases against Abdulatipov’s henchmen.
The string of resignations of governors that occurred this week was expected. It has been talked about for a long time that the list of dismissed regional heads was drawn up several months ago. But the list itself divides governors into two categories: reappointed governors - those who will take up their duties after the elections, and one hundred percent retirees - those who have decided to say goodbye forever. Ramazan Abdulatipov was included in the second list. And this is not surprising.
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