Former Vice-President of the Russian Federation Alexander Rutskoi confirmed that immediately after the conclusion of the Belovezhsky Accords and the collapse of the Soviet Union, ex-President of Russia Boris Yeltsin immediately reported this to American leader George H. W. Bush.
“There was intelligence information that the White House was about to be stormed. And as soon as this information passed, Yeltsin immediately went to the American embassy. I stopped him all the time. I said: “Boris Nikolaevich, this cannot be done.” Do you understand what you're doing? When the agreements in Belovezhye were signed, the first person to whom Yeltsin reported that the Soviet Union no longer existed was George Bush,” admitted the aged Rutskoi.
Note that the published memoirs of George H. W. Bush also say that “on December 8, 1991, Yeltsin called me to speak with Leonid Kravchuk and Stanislav Shushkevich, the presidents of Ukraine and Belarus.”
Bush recalls that Yeltsin reported to him right from the threshold of a “hunting lodge not far from Brest.”
"Today a lot has happened in our country. an important event. And I wanted to inform you personally before you hear about it from the press. We have come to the conclusion that the current system and the Treaty on the Union, which everyone is pushing us to sign, do not satisfy us. That’s why we got together and signed a joint agreement a few minutes ago,” said the former US President.
“It seemed to me that Yeltsin’s terms of the signed agreement seemed specifically formulated in such a way as to gain the support of the United States: they directly set out the conditions that we advocated acceptance. I did not want to prematurely express our approval or disapproval, so I simply said: “ I understand,” he said.
“This is very important. Mr. President,” he added, “I must tell you confidentially that Gorbachev does not know about these results. He knew that we were gathered here. In fact, I myself told him that we would meet. We hope for your understanding. Dear George, I'm done. This is extremely, extremely important. According to the tradition that has developed between us, I could not wait ten minutes without calling you," Bush said about Yeltsin's pleas.
“On December 8, 1991, the heads of the RSFSR, Ukraine and Belarus - Boris Yeltsin, Leonid Kravchuk and Stanislav Shushkevich, respectively - signed the Belovezhskaya Agreement. There was no news from Belovezhskaya Pushcha that day, and I had no opportunity to influence the situation,” said first president of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev.
Speaking about Boris Yeltsin, ex-president The USSR noted that until the signing of the Belovezhskaya Agreement, he insisted: “The Union will survive.” However, in fact, he had completely different intentions, which later “became obvious, Yeltsin obviously did everything for the collapse of the country.”
Let us note that the country’s economy declined catastrophically under Yeltsin, and Russia lost its sovereignty and influence in the world.
President Bush: Hello, Boris. How are you doing?
President Yeltsin: Hello, Mr. President. I am very glad to welcome you. Mr. President, you and I agreed that in the event of events of extreme importance, we will inform each other, I - you, you - me. A very important event took place in our country today, and I would like to personally inform you before you hear about it from the press.
President Bush: Of course, thank you.
President Yeltsin: We have gathered today, Mr. President, the leaders of three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia. We gathered and after numerous lengthy discussions, which lasted almost two days, we came to the conclusion that the existing system and the Union Treaty that we were being persuaded to sign do not suit us. That’s why we got together and just a few minutes ago signed a joint agreement. Mr. President, we, the leaders of the three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia - while stating that negotiations on a new [Union] treaty have reached a dead end, we recognize the objective reasons why the creation of independent states has become a reality. In addition, noting that the rather short-sighted policy of the center led us to an economic and political crisis that affected all production areas and various segments of the population, we, the community of independent states of Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, signed an agreement. This agreement, consisting of 16 articles, essentially stipulates the creation of a commonwealth or group of independent states.
Bush: Understand.
President Yeltsin: The members of this Commonwealth set as their goal the strengthening international peace and safety. They also guarantee compliance with all international obligations under agreements and treaties signed former Union, including external debt. We also advocate unified control over nuclear weapons and their non-proliferation. This agreement was signed by the heads of all states participating in the negotiations - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia.
Bush: Fine.
Yeltsin: In the room from which I am calling, the President of Ukraine and the Chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus are with me. I also just finished a conversation with the President of Kazakhstan Nazarbayev. I read it to him full text agreement, including all 16 articles. He fully supports all our actions and is ready to sign the agreement. He will soon fly to Minsk airport for signing.
Bush: Understand.
Yeltsin: This is extremely important. These four republics produce 90% of the total gross output of the Soviet Union. This is an attempt to preserve the commonwealth, but to free us from the total control of the center, which has been issuing orders for more than 70 years. This is a very serious step, but we hope, we are convinced, we are confident that this the only way out from the critical situation in which we find ourselves.
Bush: Boris, you...
Yeltsin: Mr. President, I must tell you confidentially that President Gorbachev does not know about these results. He knew about our intention to get together - in fact, I myself told him that we were going to meet. Of course, we will immediately send him the text of our agreement, since, of course, he will have to make decisions at his own level. Mr. President, I was very, very frank with you today. We, the four states, believe that there is only one possible way out of the current critical situation. We don't want to do anything in secret - we will immediately release the statement to the press. We hope for your understanding.
Bush: Boris, I appreciate your call and your frankness. We will now look at all 16 points. What do you think the center's reaction will be?
First point The accusation is based on the fact that in December 1991, Russian President Boris Yeltsin committed high treason by preparing and concluding the Belovezhskaya Accords, which finally destroyed the Soviet Union and caused enormous material damage to Russia, its territorial integrity, defense capability, causing numerous casualties and incalculable suffering.
The conclusion of these agreements was preceded by a number of other unconstitutional actions of Boris Yeltsin related to the violent seizure of union power and the reassignment of union ministries and departments.
He, in pursuance of the Belovezhskaya agreements, finally stopped the activities of the union legislative and other government bodies, reassigned the Armed Forces of the USSR to himself, and introduced customs and border barriers on the Russian borders.
The signing of the Belovezhskaya Accords and B. Yeltsin's subsequent actions were carried out in the interests of NATO member countries, and primarily the United States of America.
It is no coincidence that immediately after signing the agreements, Boris Yeltsin called not just anyone, but the President of the United States, and reported that the Soviet Union no longer existed.
US President George W. Bush, in his statement on December 25, 1991, emphasized: “The United States applauds the historic choice for freedom made by the new nations of the Commonwealth. Despite the potential for instability and chaos, these developments are clearly in our best interests."(Izvestia newspaper, December 26, 1991).
That is why the United States of America is making every effort to ensure that the USSR is no longer revived in any form.
These actions of President B. Yeltsin contain signs of serious crimes provided for in Article 64 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR or Articles 275, 278 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. Moreover, we do not see any significant difference in the dispositions of the named articles, because they speak of acts committed in the interests of foreign states and causing great damage to the defense capability and external security of the country, as well as the violent seizure of power.
The president’s deliberate actions, and there is no doubt about this, were directed not only against the USSR, but also against Russian Federation, his successor.
Together with other individuals and a number of socio-political organizations, Boris Yeltsin destroyed the Soviet Union, which, being one of the founders of the United Nations, ensured reliable external security for all union republics. The USSR was a reliable counterbalance to the hegemonic aspirations of the United States of America, which are increasingly manifesting themselves in the world. Recent events in the Balkans are clear evidence of this.
The Belovezhsky agreements and the subsequent actions of B. Yeltsin not only destroyed a powerful union state, but also destroyed the economic, scientific and technical potential, undermined the defense capability and security of the Russian Federation, which we will discuss in detail below.
Let me remind you that after the conclusion of the Belovezhskaya Agreements, 8 out of 16 military districts that existed on the territory of the USSR ended up outside Russia. Military districts - especially in the west, north-west and south of the Soviet Union - were the most mobilized, saturated with modern military equipment. They remained on the territory of the new states.
On the territory of the former union republics, outside the Russian Federation, there remain 13 combined arms armies and corps, 3 air defense armies. 4 tank armies, 5 air armies.
In the southern, western and northwestern directions we have lost reliable systems air defense. We lost many forward-based and surveillance facilities and command and control of the armed forces.
Russia has largely lost access to the sea, primarily in the Baltic states. Serious contradictions have arisen regarding Black Sea Fleet, which today we share with Ukraine. In terms of its parameters, it is generally already inferior by 1.5 times to the navy Turkey, which has always declared its interest in the Transcaucasus and the Black Sea region.
The NATO bloc has already reached almost the walls of the Kremlin. Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary became members of this alliance.
There are no guarantees that the Baltic states - Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia - will not be accepted into NATO and that nuclear weapons aimed at Russia will not be deployed on their territory.
These are just some of the consequences that we have after the collapse of the Soviet Union, which caused colossal damage to the defense capability, external security and territorial integrity of Russia.
But it is not only in them that we see the criminal nature of Boris Yeltsin’s actions. By signing the Belovezhskaya Accords, Boris Yeltsin aggravated interethnic relations throughout the entire former Soviet Union. About a million people died in ethnic clashes in Russia, Tajikistan, Moldova, Azerbaijan and other regions. More than 10 million former citizens of the USSR became refugees. Such violence against people and such large-scale forced resettlement pales in comparison to Stalin’s deportation of peoples.
B. Yeltsin committed an unheard-of violation of the constitutional rights of all citizens of the Russian Federation. As is known, in accordance with Article 33 of the USSR Constitution, every citizen of Russia was simultaneously a citizen of the Soviet Union. More than 70 percent of citizens of the RSFSR in a referendum on March 17, 1991 confirmed their desire to remain citizens of the USSR.
Belovezhye overnight undermined one of the main foundations legal status personality - the institution of citizenship, thereby giving rise to chain reaction, which we see today in disputes about him. Suffice it to note that 25 million Russians overnight found themselves foreigners on their own soil.
Later, in his message to the Federal Assembly on February 16, 1995, Boris Yeltsin admits that “The loss of part of the people in the seized territory is the same damage for the state as the loss, for example, of a hand for a person. For the same reason, actions aimed at seizing part of state territory should be considered a crime against the state as a whole.”. Thus, Boris Yeltsin himself assessed his actions, calling them criminal.
The president's actions destroyed the centuries-old traditions of people living together Russian Empire, and then the Soviet Union, interpersonal relationships, including in the economic, social, scientific and defense spheres. The freedom of citizens of the once united state to move, choose a place of residence, and to have an unhindered, customs-free exchange of labor products was limited. This also revealed Boris Yeltsin’s arrogance and callousness towards people and his abuse of power.
Did the Russian President have any authority to sign the Belovezhskaya Accords, which led to the final destruction of the USSR?
There can be only one answer to this question: no, I didn’t. The overwhelming majority of the Soviet people refused him this. Therefore, the very violation by Boris Yeltsin of the will of the people, expressed at the national referendum in March 1991, is already a criminal act. The president’s actions went far beyond the scope of his powers provided for by the Constitutions of the USSR and the RSFSR, the Law “On the President of the Russian Federation,” and other legislative acts.
Undoubtedly, the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, controlled by supporters of the president, played their negative role in the destruction of the union state. However, this in no way diminishes the responsibility of the president himself.
In addition, we note to our opponents that the Declaration of Sovereignty of the Russian Federation, adopted on June 12, 1990 by the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, states that Russia remains a member of the renewed USSR.
As is known, the Union Treaty of 1922 was signed first by six republics: Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, which were part of the Transcaucasian Federation, and then nine more republics joined it, making up the USSR. Moreover, this agreement was fully included as component to the first Constitution of the USSR in 1924. Later, its main provisions were reproduced in the Constitutions of the USSR of 3936 and 1977, and certain provisions were also enshrined in the constitutions of the union republics.
The Union Treaty of 1922 and the corresponding constitutional norms never provided for its denunciation, since the treaty was primarily a document of a constituent rather than an international nature. The agreement, and then the constitutions, only provided for the preservation of the right of free withdrawal from the Union for each of the union republics that joined the USSR, the procedure for which was regulated by the USSR Law of April 3, 1990.
The issue of secession from the republic was to be resolved through a referendum. If at least two-thirds of the adult population voted for it, then the issue should have been considered further by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, and then in the republics themselves. After this, a transition period of no more than five years was established to clarify all problems of an economic, financial, territorial, environmental nature that may arise in connection with the secession of the republic, as well as to resolve other disputes, primarily those claims that citizens could make. And only based on the results of consideration of all these procedures, the issue of the republic’s secession from the Union was finally decided by the Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR. This order, established by the USSR Law of April 3, 1990, was completely ignored and discarded by Boris Yeltsin.
It should be noted that following this, the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR adopted on December 24, 1990 three resolutions of exceptional importance, which are now rarely mentioned.
First resolution: on the preservation of the USSR as a renewed Federation of equal sovereign republics.
Second resolution: on preserving the name of the state - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
Third resolution: on holding a referendum in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
Such a referendum, as you know, took place on March 17, 1991. Of the 185.6 million citizens of the USSR with voting rights, 148.5 million, or 80 percent, participated. Of these, 113.5 million, or 76.4 percent, voted to preserve the USSR.
According to Article 29 of the Referendum Law, its decision was binding throughout the country and could only be canceled or changed by another referendum. The law obliged all state bodies, organizations and all officials without exception to implement the referendum decision, since it was the highest and direct expression of the power of the people.
Therefore, the Belovezhskaya Agreements signed by Yeltsin, which declared that the USSR as a subject of international law and as a geopolitical reality ceases to exist, are illegal and contrary to the will of the people.
In addition, the Belovezhskaya decisions were signed by only three “founding fathers” of the CIS, and not six, and especially not fifteen. Under such circumstances, they did not have the right to liquidate the USSR as a geopolitical concept.
Boris Yeltsin’s actions to destroy the USSR were deliberate, conscious in nature and are not a statement of the natural collapse of the union state, as our opponents claim. Numerous pieces of evidence support this. Let us refer to just a few of them.
The destruction of the great country was carried out by Boris Yeltsin in collusion with the separatists of a number of union republics. It was they who incited national conflicts in Transcaucasia and Central Asia, in the Baltic states and Moldova, and in Russia itself. It was they who turned the national question into a weapon of destruction, not creation, into a weapon for gaining power.
Boris Yeltsin has long and consistently moved towards the destruction of the USSR, as evidenced by his own statements. Speaking on May 30, 1990 at the first Congress of People's Deputies of Russia, he said: “Russia will be independent in everything, and its decisions should be higher than those of the allies”.
During a visit to Sverdlovsk on August 16 of the same year, Boris Yeltsin said: “The initial version of my program is seven Russian states.” And a day later, speaking in the Komi Republic, he noted that Russia would abandon the union structure of power.
People from the president’s inner circle, his spiritual and ideological mentors, spoke and acted in the same vein.
Odious personalities from among the former people's deputies of the USSR who were part of the notorious interregional deputy group - Gavriil Popov, Galina Starovoitova, Gennady Burbulis and others - directly proclaimed the idea of creating over 50 independent states on the territory of the Soviet Union.
Former ally of the president Ruslan Khasbulatov, characterizing the collapse of the USSR, said: "We wanted to make this revolution"
"Coup" or "transition to a new quality condition»
These actions were also named by the former chairman of Yeltsin’s Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, Ivan Silaev.
Grigory Yavlinsky, who was part of Boris Yeltsin’s team, stated: “Boris Nikolayevich and his immediate circle had clear political guidelines... First of all, the immediate, literally, one day, not only political, but also economic collapse of the Union, the liquidation of all conceivable coordinating economic bodies, including financial, credit and monetary spheres. Next is a comprehensive separation of Russia from all republics, including those that did not raise such a question at that time, for example, Belarus and Kazakhstan. This was a political order." This revelation of the leader of the Yabloko party can be read in Literaturnaya Gazeta, No. 44, 1992.
Almost a year before the political destruction of the USSR, the congress of the so-called democratic forces, held on January 21, 1991 in Kharkov, decided to abolish the USSR. Prominent democrats of Russia took part in its work: Yuri Afanasyev, Nikolai Travkin (he is sitting in our hall), Bella Denisenko, Arkady Murashev and others.
The author of this concept, Gennady Burbulis, Boris Yeltsin’s ideological mentor and former Russian Secretary of State, very much regretted that it was not possible to immediately implement the congress’s guidelines. Boris Yeltsin also regretted this, as you can see by reading the Izvestia newspaper of December 17, 1991 and Nezavisimaya Gazeta of January 21, 1992. And if today the procedure for removing the president meets stiff resistance, this is largely due to the fact that here in the hall State Duma, and within the walls of the Federation Council there are still a significant number of people, representatives of parties and movements who, together with Boris Yeltsin, put forward and implemented the idea of destroying the USSR.
Thus, in response to our opponents, we once again declare that the Soviet Union collapsed not as a result of natural and logical processes, not as a result of the August 1991 events, but as a result of the political conspiracy of the “fifth column”, with the connivance and, in some cases, participation USSR President M. Gorbachev, heads of a number of Union ministries and departments, as a result of a conspiracy headed by B. Yeltsin.
In March 1991, at a meeting with Muscovites at the House of Cinema, he openly opposed the referendum on the future of the USSR. And then, hastily, using the powers of the president, he took new steps to destroy the union state.
On August 20 and 22, 1991, he issues a decree reassigning all bodies to himself executive power USSR, including the Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Internal Affairs, KGB.
On August 21 and 22, by decrees of Yeltsin, the Russian Ministry of Press and mass media transmitted by allied media.
On August 22, a decree was issued on certain issues of the activities of the authorities of the RSFSR. Contrary to the Constitutions of the RSFSR and the USSR, this decree granted the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR the right to suspend the validity of resolutions and orders of the USSR Cabinet of Ministers.
On August 24, a decree was issued on the transfer to the jurisdiction of the KGB of the RSFSR of all types of government communications of the USSR, and to the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Communications of the RSFSR (it was called Communications, Informatics and Space) - all other communications enterprises of the Union subordination.
On October 1, the government of the RSFSR establishes that decisions of the Union Committee for the Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR come into force only if they are approved by the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR.
On October 9, 1991, the State Committee for Science and Higher Education was instructed to accept all allied organizations operating in this area under its management.
On November 15, 1991, all structures, divisions and organizations of the former USSR Ministry of Finance were reassigned to the Ministry of Economy and Finance of the RSFSR. At the same time, funding for ministries and departments of the USSR is stopped, except for those to which certain management functions of the Russian Federation have been transferred.
On November 15, all organizations of the Union Prosecutor's Office, including the military prosecutor's office, were reassigned to the Prosecutor General of the RSFSR.
On November 22, the Supreme Council of the RSFSR recognizes the Central Bank of Russia as the sole authority for monetary and foreign exchange regulation on the territory of the republic. The material and technical base and other resources of the State Bank of the USSR are transferred to it for full economic management and management.
Thus, with the personal participation and leadership of Yeltsin, even before the signing of the Belovezhsky Accords, the main levers of control were taken away from the USSR and its bodies and the basis was prepared for the complete destruction of the union state.
Naturally, this kind of usurpation of the powers of the union bodies by the bodies of the RSFSR and the President of Russia sharply strengthened the centrifugal tendencies in the actions of other republics, which saw this as a threat to themselves and hastened to disassociate themselves even more harshly from the union center. This forced a number of leaders of the union republics, in particular the President of Kazakhstan Nazarbayev, to resolutely oppose the transfer of union functions to the Russian parliament and the Russian leadership, and the prerogatives of the union president - to the Russian President. Nazarbayev’s speech took place in the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on August 26, 1991. Later, he would directly state that without Russia there would have been no Belovezhskaya Document and the Union would not have collapsed. (“Nezavisimaya Gazeta” dated May 6, 1992)
Actions of President Boris Yeltsin, Russian ministries and departments not only strengthened centrifugal tendencies in other union republics, but also, undoubtedly, negatively affected the nature and results of referendums held in the second half of 1991 in Ukraine, Georgia, and Armenia. In addition, the question put to the Ukrainian referendum was formulated incorrectly. Citizens of Ukraine were asked not about their desire to secede from the USSR, but whether they wanted to live in an independent state. Naturally, there are always few or no people who want to live in a colonial or semi-colonial state.
Was it possible to save the Soviet Union? Yes, it is possible - and it had to be done. The will of the majority of the people was expressed at the All-Union referendum on March 17, 1991, and the state leaders of the USSR and Russia, if they were patriots who passionately loved their Fatherland, and not servile minions of the United States of America, were obliged to fulfill the people's will. If they couldn’t, they were obliged to resign. This did not happen.
The Bialowieza Agreements caused crushing blow in economics and set each union republic far back in its development. They brought incalculable and irreparable losses, troubles and suffering to tens of millions Soviet people who even today want to live freely in a single family of nations. Such a unification would have taken place long ago if it were not for the opposition to it from many political elites in the former Soviet republics, and above all in the Russian Federation.
There are good reasons for the reunification of peoples, and first of all, the legal nullity of the Belovezhskaya Accords and the legal inconsistency of their ratification by the Supreme Council of the RSFSR.
Immediately after Belovezhiya, our so-called “leaders,” like slaves before the Master, rushed first of all to report to US President D. Bush.
Komsomolskaya Pravda reported that transcripts of telephone conversations between Yeltsin and Gorbachev with the American president were declassified in Yekaterinburg.
Yeltsin’s words are touching: “We don’t want to do anything in secret - we will immediately transmit the statement to the press.” * * *
Komsomolskaya Pravda 11.12.15
Historians from all over the world squeal with delight. A unique “Yeltsin Center” has opened in Yekaterinburg, which for lovers of archives and secrets of the past is like a cake shop for kids.
The museum staff are especially proud of the secret transcripts of telephone conversations between Boris Yeltsin and Mikhail Gorbachev with US President George H. W. Bush. Immediately after the signing of the Belovezhskaya Agreement (on the creation of the CIS - Ed.), which took place on December 8, 1991, Boris Nikolayevich first called US President George W. Bush. They talked for 28 minutes. And two weeks later, on December 25, Mikhail Gorbachev called George Bush. This happened right before he officially resigned as president of the USSR. The conversation lasted 22 minutes. About the details of these two conversations for a long time one could only guess. Our intelligence services did not record them, but the Americans recorded them, but classified them. 
Meeting between Boris Yeltsin and US Secretary of State James Baker in Washington in 1989. Photo: Yeltsin Center
They were kept in the State of Texas in the Presidential Library. And only in 2008, Bush Jr. removed the “Secret” stamp from the papers.
- When the exhibition of our museum was being formed, we found these transcripts in the catalog of the Presidential Library of George H. W. Bush. We sent a request and received electronic copies,” says Dmitry Pushmin, head of the Yeltsin Center archive. – They often say that Yeltsin and Gorbachev “ran” to report to the American president about the collapse of the USSR, but this is not so. In fact, the situation was complicated. The Soviet Union had collapsed, and the US President had to be informed that the USSR's nuclear arsenal was under control.
This is the first time we are publishing these unique transcripts.
YELTSIN: “I WANT TO INFORM YOU PERSONALLY, Mister PRESIDENT”
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
RECORDING A TELEPHONE CONVERSATION
TOPIC: Telephone conversation with President of the Russian Republic Yeltsin
PARTICIPANTS: George Bush, US President, Boris Yeltsin, President of the Russian Republic
DATE, TIME AND PLACE: December 8, 1991, 13:08 – 13:36, Oval Office
President Bush: Hello, Boris. How are you doing?
President Yeltsin: Hello, Mr. President. I am very glad to welcome you. Mr. President, you and I agreed that in the event of events of extreme importance, we will inform each other, I - you, you - me. A very important event took place in our country today, and I would like to personally inform you before you hear about it from the press.
President Bush: Sure, thank you. 
This is what the original classified transcript looked like in English.
Photo: Alexey BULATOV
President Yeltsin: We have gathered today, Mr. President, the leaders of three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia. We gathered and after numerous lengthy discussions, which lasted almost two days, we came to the conclusion that the existing system and the Union Treaty that we were being persuaded to sign do not suit us. That’s why we got together and just a few minutes ago signed a joint agreement. Mr. President, we, the leaders of the three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia - while stating that negotiations on a new [Union] treaty have reached a dead end, we recognize the objective reasons why the creation of independent states has become a reality. In addition, noting that the rather short-sighted policy of the center led us to an economic and political crisis that affected all production areas and various segments of the population, we, the community of independent states of Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, signed an agreement. This agreement, consisting of 16 articles, essentially stipulates the creation of a commonwealth or group of independent states.
President Bush: I understand.
President Yeltsin: The members of this Commonwealth have as their goal the strengthening of international peace and security. They also guarantee compliance with all international obligations under agreements and treaties signed by the former Union, including on external debt. We also advocate unified control over nuclear weapons and their non-proliferation. This agreement was signed by the heads of all states participating in the negotiations - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia.
President Bush: Okay.
President Yeltsin: In the room from which I am calling, the President of Ukraine and the Chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus are with me. I also just finished a conversation with the President of Kazakhstan Nazarbayev. I read him the full text of the agreement, including all 16 articles. He fully supports all our actions and is ready to sign the agreement. He will soon fly to Minsk airport for signing. 
Boris Yeltsin during a visit to the United States in 1989. Photo: Yeltsin Center
President Bush: I understand.
President Yeltsin: This is extremely important. These four republics produce 90% of the total gross output of the Soviet Union. This is an attempt to preserve the commonwealth, but to free us from the total control of the center, which has been issuing orders for more than 70 years. This is a very serious step, but we hope, we are convinced, we are confident that this is the only way out of the critical situation in which we find ourselves.
President Bush: Boris, you...
President Yeltsin: Mr. President, I must tell you confidentially that President Gorbachev does not know about these results. He knew about our intention to get together - in fact, I myself told him that we were going to meet. Of course, we will immediately send him the text of our agreement, since, of course, he will have to make decisions at his own level. Mr. President, I was very, very frank with you today. We, the four states, believe that there is only one possible way out of the current critical situation. We don't want to do anything in secret - we will immediately release the statement to the press. We hope for your understanding.
President Bush: Boris, I appreciate your call and your candor. We will now look at all 16 points. What do you think the center's reaction will be?
President Yeltsin: First of all, I spoke with Defense Minister Shaposhnikov. I would like to read out Article 6 of the agreement. Shaposhnikov actually completely agrees and supports our position. And now I read the 6th article: ... 
Meeting of Boris Yeltsin with the people of America. Photo: Yeltsin Center
President Bush: We certainly want to look at all of this carefully. We understand that these issues should be decided by the participants and not by third parties such as the United States.
President Yeltsin: We guarantee this, Mr. President.
President Bush: Well, good luck, and thanks for your call. We will wait for the reaction of the center and other republics. I think time will tell.
President Yeltsin: I am convinced that all other republics will understand us and will join us very soon.
President Bush: Thank you again for your call after such a historic event.
President Yeltsin: Goodbye.
President Bush: Goodbye.
End of conversation 
During the confrontation with Yeltsin, Mikhail Gorbachev once told KP journalists: “...his potential as a political figure is still small” Photo: Yeltsin Center.
GORBACHEV: “I AM NOT GOING TO HIDE IN THE TAIGA”
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
RECORDING A TELEPHONE CONVERSATION
TOPIC: Telephone conversation with Mikhail Gorbachev, President of the Soviet Union
PARTICIPANTS: George Bush, President of the USA, Mikhail Gorbachev, President of the USSR
DATE, TIME AND PLACE: December 25, 1991, 10:03 – 10:25, Camp David
President Bush: Hello, Mikhail.
President Gorbachev: George, my dear friend. Glad to hear your voice.
President Bush: I am glad to welcome you on such a significant day, such a historic day. Thank you for calling.
President Gorbachev: Let me start with something nice: I wish you, Barbara and your entire family a Merry Christmas. I was thinking about when I should make my announcement - Tuesday or today. I finally decided to do it today at the end of the day. And so first I want to wish you a Merry Christmas and all the best.
Now I must say that in about two hours I will appear on Moscow television with a short statement about my decision. I sent you a letter, George. Hope you receive it soon. In the letter I expressed the most important things. Now, I would like to reaffirm how much I appreciate what we were able to accomplish during our time together - when you were Vice President and then when you became President of the United States. I hope that all leaders of the Commonwealth countries, and primarily Russia, understand the value of the joint experience accumulated by the leaders of our two countries. I hope they understand their responsibility to preserve and enhance this important resource. 
Mikhail Gorbachev and George Bush Sr. in Malta. Photo: GLOBAL LOOK PRESS
In our Union, the debate about what kind of state to create did not go in the direction that I considered correct. But I want to assure you that I use everything I have political influence and authority to make the new Commonwealth effective. I am pleased that the leaders of the Commonwealth have already reached agreements on important nuclear and strategic issues in Almaty. I hope that decisions will be made in Minsk on other issues that will provide a mechanism for cooperation between the republics.
George, let me tell you something that I think is extremely important.
President Bush: I'm listening.
President Gorbachev: Of course, it is necessary to follow the path of recognition of all these countries. But I would like you to take into account how important it is for the future of the Commonwealth to prevent the aggravation of the processes of disintegration and destruction. So our common duty is to help the process of establishing cooperation between the republics. I would like to particularly emphasize this point.
Now about Russia - this is the second most important topic of our conversations. On the table in front of me is the Decree of the President of the USSR on my resignation. I also resign as Supreme Commander-in-Chief and transfer the authority to use nuclear weapons to the President of the Russian Federation. That is, I manage affairs until the completion of the constitutional process. I can assure you that everything is under strict control. As soon as I announce my resignation, these decrees will come into force. There will be no inconsistency. You can spend your Christmas evening in peace. Returning to Russia, I want to say once again that we must do everything possible to support it. I will do everything in my power to support Russia. But our partners must also try and play their role in helping and supporting Russia.
As for me, I am not going to hide in the taiga, in the forests. I will remain politically active, I will remain in political life. My the main objective– help in the processes that began with perestroika and new thinking in foreign policy. Representatives of your press here have asked me many times about our personal relationship with you. At this historic moment, I want you to know how much I value our collaboration, partnership and friendship. Our roles may change, but I would like to assure you that what we have achieved will not change. Raisa and I wish you and Barbara all the best. 
Before relinquishing his powers as President of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev called George Bush Sr. Photo: RIA Novosti
President Bush: Michael, first of all, I want to express my gratitude for your call. I listened to your message with great interest. We will continue to be involved, especially with regard to the Russian Republic, whose enormous difficulties may be further exacerbated this winter. I am very glad that you are not going to hide in the forests, but will continue to be active political activity. I am absolutely confident that this will benefit the new Commonwealth.
I appreciate your clarification regarding nuclear weapons. It's vital important question of international importance, and I am grateful to you and the leaders of the republics for the excellent organization and implementation of the process. I have taken note that constitutional responsibility on this issue passes to Boris Yeltsin. I assure you that we will continue close cooperation in this regard.
Now about the personal, Mikhail. Your wonderful comments about the relationships you and I have and you have with Jim Baker have not gone unnoticed. I really appreciate your words because they exactly reflect my feelings. Your call found me at Camp David, we are here with Barbara, our three children and grandchildren. Another of our children is now in Florida, and the other is in Virginia with his family.
The horseshoe court where you threw that ring is still in good condition. This, by the way, reminded me of what I wrote in my letter to you: I hope our paths will cross again soon. You are always a welcome guest in the USA. Perhaps we can even meet here at Camp David after you have settled your affairs. Our friendship is as strong as before and will remain so in the future. There can be no doubt about this.
Of course, I will build relationships with the leaders of Russia and other republics with due respect and openness. We will move towards recognizing and respecting the sovereignty of each republic. We will cooperate with them on a wide range of issues. But this will not in any way affect my desire to maintain contact with you and listen to your advice, regardless of what your new role will be. I really want to preserve our friendship, which Barbara and I value very, very much.
So, in these holidays and at this historical moment, we pay tribute to your services and thank you for all that you have done for world peace. Thank you very much.
President Gorbachev: Thank you, George. I was glad to hear all this today. I say goodbye and shake your hand. You told me a lot of important things and I am grateful for that.
President Bush: All the best, Michael.
President Gorbachev: Goodbye.
End of conversation
Back in 1991, when the collapse of the USSR entered its final stage, the country's new leadership, represented by President Boris Yeltsin, tried to keep its US partners informed about events. Former Vice President of the Russian Federation Alexander Rutskoy spoke about this.
“There was intelligence information that the White House was about to be stormed. And as soon as this information passed, Yeltsin immediately went to the American embassy. I stopped him all the time. I said: “Boris Nikolaevich, this cannot be done.” “Do you understand what you’re doing?” Rutskoi recalled. “When the agreements in Belovezhye were signed, the first person Yeltsin reported to that the Soviet Union no longer existed was George Bush.”
According to Rutskoi, Yeltsin regularly communicated with the US leadership and reported on the successes of unilateral surrender in the Cold War.
There are still more questions about the coup than answers. Declassified CIA documents will shed light on events that took place 25 years ago. Journalists from the Zvezda TV channel, together with eyewitnesses, studied the secret mechanisms that led the USSR to disaster, the echoes of which are still felt today.
In the memoirs of George H. W. Bush, which was published as a book entitled “A Changed World,” Boris’s close interaction with the US leadership in the collapse of the USSR is also repeatedly emphasized.
“On December 8, 1991, Yeltsin called me to report his meeting with Leonid Kravchuk and Stanislav Shushkevich, the presidents of Ukraine and Belarus. In fact, he was still with them in the room of the hunting lodge near Brest. “Today a very important event took place in our country . And I wanted to inform you personally before you hear about it from the press," he said with pathos. Yeltsin explained that they had a two-day meeting and came to the conclusion that "the current system and the Treaty of the Union, which we are all about to sign they push us, we are not satisfied. That’s why we got together and signed a joint agreement a few minutes ago,” writes Bush Sr.
As a result, they signed a 16-point agreement to create a “commonwealth or association of independent states.” In other words, he told me that together with the presidents of Ukraine and Belarus they decided to destroy the Soviet Union. When he finished reading the prepared text, his tone changed. It seemed to me that the provisions of the signed agreement he outlined seemed to be specially formulated in such a way as to gain the support of the United States: they directly set out the conditions for which we advocated recognition. I didn't want to prematurely voice our approval or disapproval, so I simply said, "I understand."
“This is very important. Mr. President,” he added, “I must tell you confidentially that Gorbachev does not know about these results. He knew that we were gathered here. In fact, I myself told him that we would meet. Of course, we will immediately "We will send him the text of our agreement, and, of course, he will have to make decisions at his level. Mr. President, I was very, very frank with you today. Our four countries believe that there is only one possible way out of the current critical situation. We do not want do anything in secret - we will immediately release the statement to the press. We hope for your understanding. Dear George, I have finished. This is extremely, extremely important. As is the tradition between us, I could not wait ten minutes without calling you," — the former US President spoke about Yeltsin’s actions.
In conclusion, we present a transcript of the conversation between Yeltsin and Bush Sr. on December 8, 1991, the day the Belovezhskaya Accords were signed.
President Bush: Hello, Boris. How are you doing?
President Yeltsin: Hello, Mr. President. I am very glad to welcome you. Mr. President, you and I agreed that in the event of events of extreme importance, we will inform each other, I - you, you - me. A very important event took place in our country today, and I would like to personally inform you before you hear about it from the press.
President Bush: Of course, thank you.
President Yeltsin: We have gathered today, Mr. President, the leaders of three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia. We gathered and after numerous lengthy discussions, which lasted almost two days, we came to the conclusion that the existing system and the Union Treaty that we were being persuaded to sign do not suit us. That’s why we got together and just a few minutes ago signed a joint agreement. Mr. President, we, the leaders of the three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia - while stating that negotiations on a new [Union] treaty have reached a dead end, we recognize the objective reasons why the creation of independent states has become a reality. In addition, noting that the rather short-sighted policy of the center led us to an economic and political crisis that affected all production areas and various segments of the population, we, the community of independent states of Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, signed an agreement. This agreement, consisting of 16 articles, essentially stipulates the creation of a commonwealth or group of independent states.
Bush: Understand.
President Yeltsin: The members of this Commonwealth have as their goal the strengthening of international peace and security. They also guarantee compliance with all international obligations under agreements and treaties signed by the former Union, including on external debt. We also advocate unified control over nuclear weapons and their non-proliferation. This agreement was signed by the heads of all states participating in the negotiations - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia.
Bush: Fine.
Yeltsin: In the room from which I am calling, the President of Ukraine and the Chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus are with me. I also just finished a conversation with the President of Kazakhstan Nazarbayev. I read him the full text of the agreement, including all 16 articles. He fully supports all our actions and is ready to sign the agreement. He will soon fly to Minsk airport for signing.
Bush: Understand.
Yeltsin: This is extremely important. These four republics produce 90% of the total gross output of the Soviet Union. This is an attempt to preserve the commonwealth, but to free us from the total control of the center, which has been issuing orders for more than 70 years. This is a very serious step, but we hope, we are convinced, we are confident that this is the only way out of the critical situation in which we find ourselves.
Bush: Boris, you...
Yeltsin: Mr. President, I must tell you confidentially that President Gorbachev does not know about these results. He knew about our intention to get together - in fact, I myself told him that we were going to meet. Of course, we will immediately send him the text of our agreement, since, of course, he will have to make decisions at his own level. Mr. President, I was very, very frank with you today. We, the four states, believe that there is only one possible way out of the current critical situation. We don't want to do anything in secret - we will immediately release the statement to the press. We hope for your understanding.
Bush: Boris, I appreciate your call and your frankness. We will now look at all 16 points. What do you think the center's reaction will be?
How Yeltsin first reported to Bush about the collapse of the USSR to the SKULL AND BONES MASON, and now it is clear who then gave the command to Yeltsin to accept and then transfer power to Putin - the SKULL AND BONES MASONS.
Rutskoi: Yeltsin reported to Bush about the collapse of the USSR
Back in 1991, when the collapse of the USSR entered its final stage, the country's new leadership, represented by President Boris Yeltsin, tried to keep its US partners informed about events. Former Vice President of the Russian Federation Alexander Rutskoy spoke about this.
“There was intelligence information that the White House was about to be stormed. And as soon as this information passed, Yeltsin immediately went to the American embassy. I stopped him all the time. I said: “Boris Nikolaevich, this cannot be done.” “Do you understand what you are doing?” Rutskoi recalled. “When the agreements in Belovezhye were signed, the first person Yeltsin reported to that the Soviet Union no longer existed was George Bush.”
According to Rutskoi, Yeltsin regularly communicated with the US leadership and reported on the successes of unilateral surrender in the Cold War.
There are still more questions about the coup than answers. Declassified CIA documents will shed light on events that took place 25 years ago. Journalists from the Zvezda TV channel, together with eyewitnesses, studied the secret mechanisms that led the USSR to disaster, the echoes of which are still felt today.
In the memoirs of George H. W. Bush, which was published as a book entitled “A Changed World,” Boris’s close interaction with the US leadership in the collapse of the USSR is also repeatedly emphasized.
“On December 8, 1991, Yeltsin called me to report his meeting with Leonid Kravchuk and Stanislav Shushkevich, the presidents of Ukraine and Belarus. In fact, he was still with them in the room of the hunting lodge near Brest. “Today a very important event took place in our country . And I wanted to inform you personally before you hear about it from the press," he said with pathos. Yeltsin explained that they had a two-day meeting and came to the conclusion that "the current system and the Treaty of the Union, which we are all about to sign they push us, we are not satisfied. That's why we got together and signed a joint agreement a few minutes ago," Bush Sr. writes.
As a result, they signed a 16-point agreement to create a “commonwealth or association of independent states.” In other words, he told me that together with the presidents of Ukraine and Belarus they decided to destroy the Soviet Union. When he finished reading the prepared text, his tone changed. It seemed to me that the provisions of the signed agreement he outlined seemed to be specially formulated in such a way as to gain the support of the United States: they directly set out the conditions for which we advocated recognition. I didn't want to prematurely voice our approval or disapproval, so I simply said, "I understand."
“This is very important. Mr. President,” he added, “I must tell you confidentially that Gorbachev does not know about these results. He knew that we were gathered here. In fact, I myself told him that we would meet. Of course, we will immediately "We will send him the text of our agreement, and, of course, he will have to make decisions at his level. Mr. President, I was very, very frank with you today. Our four countries believe that there is only one possible way out of the current critical situation. We do not want to do anything in secret - we will immediately release the statement to the press. We hope for your understanding. Dear George, I have finished. This is extremely, extremely important. As is the tradition between us, I could not wait ten minutes without calling you," - the former US President spoke about Yeltsin’s actions.
In conclusion, we present a transcript of the conversation between Yeltsin and Bush Sr. on December 8, 1991, the day the Belovezhskaya Accords were signed.
President Bush: Hello, Boris. How are you doing?
President Yeltsin: Hello, Mr. President. I am very glad to welcome you. Mr. President, you and I agreed that in the event of events of extreme importance, we will inform each other, I - you, you - me. A very important event took place in our country today, and I would like to personally inform you before you hear about it from the press.
President Bush: Sure, thank you.
President Yeltsin: We have gathered today, Mr. President, the leaders of three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia. We gathered and after numerous lengthy discussions, which lasted almost two days, we came to the conclusion that the existing system and the Union Treaty that we were being persuaded to sign do not suit us. That’s why we got together and just a few minutes ago signed a joint agreement. Mr. President, we, the leaders of the three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia - while stating that negotiations on a new [Union] treaty have reached a dead end, we recognize the objective reasons why the creation of independent states has become a reality. In addition, noting that the rather short-sighted policy of the center led us to an economic and political crisis that affected all production areas and various segments of the population, we, the community of independent states of Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, signed an agreement. This agreement, consisting of 16 articles, essentially stipulates the creation of a commonwealth or group of independent states.
Bush: I understand.
President Yeltsin: The members of this Commonwealth have as their goal the strengthening of international peace and security. They also guarantee compliance with all international obligations under agreements and treaties signed by the former Union, including on external debt. We also advocate unified control over nuclear weapons and their non-proliferation. This agreement was signed by the heads of all states participating in the negotiations - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia.
Bush: Okay.
Yeltsin: In the room from which I am calling, the President of Ukraine and the Chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus are with me. I also just finished a conversation with the President of Kazakhstan Nazarbayev. I read him the full text of the agreement, including all 16 articles. He fully supports all our actions and is ready to sign the agreement. He will soon fly to Minsk airport for signing.
Bush: I understand.
Yeltsin: This is extremely important. These four republics produce 90% of the total gross output of the Soviet Union. This is an attempt to preserve the commonwealth, but to free us from the total control of the center, which has been issuing orders for more than 70 years. This is a very serious step, but we hope, we are convinced, we are confident that this is the only way out of the critical situation in which we find ourselves.
Bush: Boris, you...
Yeltsin: Mr. President, I must tell you confidentially that President Gorbachev does not know about these results. He knew about our intention to get together - in fact, I myself told him that we were going to meet. Of course, we will immediately send him the text of our agreement, since, of course, he will have to make decisions at his own level. Mr. President, I was very, very frank with you today. We, the four states, believe that there is only one possible way out of the current critical situation. We don't want to do anything in secret - we will immediately release the statement to the press. We hope for your understanding.
Bush: Boris, I appreciate your call and your candor. We will now look at all 16 points. What do you think the center's reaction will be? 
Read more at
Loading...