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October All-Russian political strike 1905

general strike in Russia; one of the most important stages The revolution of 1905-07, the beginning of its highest rise. O.v. p.s. completed the process of developing the revolutionary movement that took place in the country in January - September 1905 into a mass all-Russian political strike. She was preceded by folk struggle against the legislative Bulygin Duma and the September events in Moscow. The most important role in the preparation of O. century. p.s. played by the Bolsheviks, who based their activities on the decisions of the 3rd Congress of the RSDLP. The All-Russian Railway Union of 1905-07 (VZhS) also spoke out in favor of preparing a strike in the summer of 1905. The economic strike of printers, which began on September 19 in Moscow, turned into a political strike of Moscow workers in other professions. At the beginning of October, printers, metal workers, carpenters, tobacco workers and railway workers in Moscow created Councils of Commissioners for Professions. Meetings and rallies in support of Moscow workers took place at the end of September - beginning of October in other industrial centers. The Bolsheviks sought to transform economic strikes into political strikes, and isolated strikes into general strikes. The development of the September protests of the proletariat into O.V. p.s. accelerated by the general strike of railway workers. October 6 meeting of representatives of Bolshevik organizations of a number of women. d. Moskovskogo railway the unit decided to go on a joint strike. In the evening of the same day, the Moscow Committee of the RSDLP called for a general strike on the roads of the Moscow Railway. node from noon on October 7. The Central Bureau of the VZhS supported the strike. On October 10, railway workers went on strike on all the main lines coming from Moscow. On the same day, the Moscow citywide party conference of the Bolsheviks decided to declare a general city strike from October 11. Following Moscow O. v. p.s. began in St. Petersburg and other large industrial cities. On October 17, the railway workers' strike became general. She everywhere “... suspended railway traffic and most decisively paralyzed the power of the government” (V.I. Lenin, Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 30, p. 321). Working people throughout Russia took part in the general strike. In large cities, factories, factories, transport, power plants, post offices, telegraphs, institutions, shops, educational establishments. In O. v. p.s. Factory workers, railway workers, tens of thousands of mining and mining industry workers, office workers, and students participated. The number of strikers reached 2 million people. The strike was led by the proletariat, supported by the workers of the multinational Russian Empire. Everywhere O. v. p.s. was accompanied by mass rallies and demonstrations, which in the Baltic states, Ukraine, the Volga region, and Transcaucasia escalated into armed clashes with police and troops. The workers of Poland fought heroically - the strike spread here big cities. In Finland, workers created an armed guard. October strike developed under the revolutionary slogans: “Down with the Bulygin Duma!”, “Down with the tsarist government!”, “Long live the armed uprising!”, “Long live democratic republic! The strikers exercised freedom of speech, press, and assembly, and introduced an 8-hour working day at enterprises. As a result revolutionary activities masses in October in St. Petersburg, Yekaterinoslav, Kyiv, and then in other cities, Councils of Workers' Deputies were created, trade unions were formed in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Yaroslavl, Kharkov, Tbilisi, Riga, Vilnius. The attempt of tsarism to convene the Bulygin Duma was thwarted. During the strike, the Bolsheviks successfully carried out the tactics of the left bloc, aimed at creating, under the leadership of the working class, a revolutionary general democratic front of the struggle against tsarism. In many cities, coalition strike committees were formed: some of the “leftist” liberals, on the one hand, declared support for the strike, on the other, they did their best to prevent it from developing into an armed uprising. Tsarism attempted to disrupt the O. century by repression. p.s. On October 14, St. Petersburg Governor-General D. F. Trepov ordered the troops and police: “... do not fire blank volleys and do not spare cartridges.” The tsarist authorities failed to prevent the strike. The army hesitated; The government did not have enough reliable troops at its disposal to suppress the revolution. A kind of balance of power had developed in the country, when, as Lenin wrote, “tsarism is no longer strong—the revolution is not yet strong enough to win” (ibid., vol. 12, p. 5).

The tsarist government was forced to give in and issue a Manifesto on October 17, 1905, in which Nicholas II announced the “granting” of civil liberties to the people and promised to recognize the legislative rights of the Duma. The Bolsheviks exposed the deceit and hypocrisy of the tsarist “freedoms” and insisted on continuing the struggle. The Moscow Strike Committee, where liberal elements predominated, and the Central Bureau of the VZhS gave a directive to end the strike. In Moscow, the strike lasted until October 22 and was stopped by the workers by decision of the Moscow citywide party conference of the RSDLP, which called for preparations for a new offensive of the revolutionary forces against the autocracy. Having received the support of the liberal bourgeoisie, who perceived the manifesto as a turn in the development of Russia along the constitutional path, the government launched a decisive offensive against the revolution. Repressions and pogroms began throughout the country. The Bolsheviks N. E. Bauman, F. A. Afanasyev, O. M. Genkina and others were brutally killed by the Black Hundreds. In 110 populated areas Up to 4 thousand people were killed, more than 10 thousand people were wounded. In most regions of the country and on the railways O.V. p.s. ceased by October 25. At some enterprises it lasted longer and merged with revolutionary uprisings in November 1905.

O.v. p.s. demonstrated the strength of the Russian proletariat as the hegemon of the revolutionary liberation movement. It dealt a significant blow to the autocracy; the proletariat wrested the manifesto from the tsar and made it impossible to govern Russia without representative institutions. The strike “... this time really covered the entire country, uniting all the peoples of the damned Russian “empire” in the heroic upsurge of the most oppressed and most advanced class” (ibid., p. 2). She gave a powerful impetus to the peasant movement. During O.'s days. p.s. embryonic forms of a new revolutionary government arose, organs of armed uprising - the Soviets of Workers' Deputies. The strike confirmed the correctness of the Bolshevik tactics of actively boycotting the Bulygin Duma, a bloc with revolutionary bourgeois democracy and mobilizing all forces for further development revolution. It was the prologue to the December armed uprisings (See December armed uprisings). Had great international significance; enriched the proletarians of all countries new form struggle - a mass revolutionary strike.

Lit.: Lenin V.I., Complete. collection op., 5th ed. (see Reference volume, part 1, p. 94); Bolsheviks at the head of the All-Russian political strike in October 1905. Collection of documents and materials, M., 1955; All-Russian political strike in October 1905, parts 1-2, M. - L., 1955 (in the series: Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. Documents and materials); History of the CPSU, vol. 2, M., 1966, p. 94-112.

I. M. Pushkareva.


Great Soviet Encyclopedia. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. 1969-1978 .

See what the “October All-Russian Political Strike of 1905” is in other dictionaries:

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    One of the most important stages of the revolution of 1905-1907. Its prologue was the struggle (boycott) of the Bolsheviks against the Bulygin Duma (the manifesto on its convening was announced on August 6) and the September events in Moscow. The Bolsheviks called on the proletariat, all revolutionaries. strength... Soviet historical encyclopedia

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On October 20 (old style - October 7), 1905, the October All-Russian political strike began - the first general strike in Russia, one of the most important stages of the First Russian Revolution, the beginning of its highest rise.

The October All-Russian political strike completed the process of developing the revolutionary movement that took place in the country in January - September 1905 into a mass all-Russian political strike. The most important role in the preparation of the October All-Russian political strike was played by the Bolsheviks, who based their activities on the decisions of the Third Congress of the RSDLP.

On September 19 (October 2) an economic strike of printers began in Moscow. Following them, bakers, tobacco workers, furniture makers, and tram workers joined the strike. From an economic strike it developed into a political one. “The all-Russian political strike,” wrote Lenin, “this time really covered the entire country, uniting all the peoples of the damned Russian Empire in the heroic rise of the most oppressed and the most advanced class.”

On September 23-25 ​​(October 6-8), clashes between people and troops and Cossacks occurred; among the strikers there were killed and wounded. Moscow metalworkers went on strike on September 26 (October 9). Councils of authorized printing workers, carpenters, tobacco workers, metal workers and railway workers were created. At the call of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP, the capital's printers declared a solidarity strike. Rallies and demonstrations took place in other cities.

The Moscow Committee of the RSDLP called for a general strike on the roads of the Moscow railway junction from noon on October 7 (20). Following Moscow, the strike spread to St. Petersburg and other large cities and by October 13 (26) it covered the main industrial centers of the country. Factories, factories, transport, power plants, post offices, telegraphs, institutions, shops, and educational institutions stopped working. The number of strikers reached 2 million people. The October all-Russian political strike developed under the revolutionary slogans: “Down with the Bulygin Duma!”, “Down with the tsarist government!”, “Long live the armed uprising!”, “Long live the democratic republic!”

As a result of the revolutionary activity of the masses in October, Soviets of Workers' Deputies were created in St. Petersburg, Yekaterinoslav, Kyiv, and then in other cities, and trade unions were formed in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Yaroslavl, Kharkov, Tbilisi, Riga, and Vilnius.

The tsarist government attempted to disrupt the political strike through repression, but was forced to give in and issue a Manifesto on October 17, 1905, in which Nicholas II announced the “granting” of civil liberties to the people and promised to recognize the legislative rights of the Duma. Having received the support of the liberal bourgeoisie, who perceived the manifesto as a turn in the development of Russia along the constitutional path, the government launched a decisive offensive against the revolution. Repressions and pogroms began throughout the country. Bolsheviks N.E. were brutally killed by the Black Hundreds. Bauman, F.A. Afanasyev, O.M. Genkina and others. In 110 settlements, up to 4 thousand people were killed, more than 10 thousand people were wounded. In most regions of the country and on the railways, the October All-Russian political strike ended by October 25. At some enterprises it lasted longer and merged with revolutionary uprisings in November 1905.

The October All-Russian political strike demonstrated the strength of the Russian proletariat as the hegemon of the revolutionary liberation movement. It dealt a significant blow to the autocracy; the proletariat wrested the manifesto from the tsar and made it impossible to govern Russia without representative institutions. She gave a powerful impetus to the peasant movement. During the days of the strike, the rudimentary forms of a new revolutionary government arose, the organs of armed uprising - the Soviets of Workers' Deputies. It was the prologue to the December armed uprisings.

one of the most important stages of the revolution of 1905-1907. Its prologue was the struggle (boycott) of the Bolsheviks against the Bulygin Duma (the manifesto on its convening was announced on August 6) and the September events in Moscow. The Bolsheviks called on the proletariat, all revolutionaries. forces to actively boycott the Duma. The plan for the anti-Duma campaign developed by the Central Committee of the RSDLP also included the preparation of the All-Russian. political strikes. 7-9 Sep. 1905 in Riga, on the initiative of the Bolsheviks, a conference of Social-Democrats was held. organizations of Russia (the Central Committee of the RSDLP, the Bund, the Latvian SDLP, the Social Democracy of Poland and Lithuania, the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, the OK Mensheviks) were represented, which advocated a boycott. The Menshevik leaders dissociated themselves from the decisions of the conference. The slogan of active boycott became the slogan of almost all Social-Democrats. Russia. The Socialist Revolutionaries and even the left-liberal Union of Unions also boycotted the Duma. Thus, during the anti-Duma campaign, a solid foundation was laid for the unity of action of the Social-Democrats. and revolutionary bourgeois democracy. The boycott slogan, V.I. Lenin pointed out, did not “invent” anything; it reflected the mood and initiative of the masses, clearly outlining the political agenda. the situation in the country in the fall of 1905: the landowners are for the Duma in order to suppress the revolution and preserve the autocracy, the liberal bourgeoisie is also for the Duma in order to suspend the revolution and limit the autocracy, the proletariat is against the Duma in order to overthrow the autocracy. 19 Sep. Economic economics began in Moscow. printers' strike. Following them, bakers, tobacco workers, furniture makers, and tram workers began a strike. From an economic strike, this strike grew into a political one. 23-25 ​​Sep. clashes occurred with the army and Cossacks; Among the strikers there were killed and wounded. From 26 Sep. Moscow went on strike. metalheads. Councils of authorized printing workers, carpenters, tobacco workers, metal workers and railway workers were created. At the call of Petersburg. At the same time, the capital's typographers announced a solidarity strike of the RSDLP. Rallies and demonstrations took place in other cities.

The scattered strikes of September developed into an offensive. p.s. The most important role in this was played by women. roads. Oct 6 Moscow The RSDLP called on Moscow workers to expand the strike. On the same day, a meeting of the Bolsheviks of the Kazan, Yaroslavl and Kursk railways. d., having discussed the call of the RSDLP MK, decided to start a strike of railway workers from noon on October 7. Center. All-Russian Bureau railway Union called for support for Moscow railway workers. The strike spread. 8 and 9 Oct. it covered everything. d. Mosk. node, excluding Nikolaevskaya and Moscow-Vindavskaya. But the next day these roads also stopped working. By the end of October 11. 14 women went on strike. d., and 17 Oct. the general strike of railway workers everywhere “... suspended railway traffic and most decisively paralyzed the power of the government” (V.I. Lenin, Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 30, p. 321 (vol. 23, p. 240)). The railway workers' strike contributed to the rapid expansion of all-Moscow railways. mountains strikes. Oct 10 Moscow conference Bolsheviks decided to declare October 11. a citywide strike under the slogans: “Down with autocracy!”, “Long live the uprising!”, “Long live the Constituent Assembly!” By 15 Oct. it captures the majority of industrial activities. Moscow enterprises (up to 100 thousand workers). The mountains stopped working. transport, water supply, power plants, gas plants, many others. shops, offices. To lead the movement, the RSDLP MK formed an executive. commission. At the same time as Moscow, the proletariat of St. Petersburg rose up. Petersburg The RSDLP called on the workers to go on strike. Oct 11 Metal workers at a number of the capital's largest enterprises stopped working. Oct 13 the strike grew into a citywide one. “Moscow and St. Petersburg shared among themselves the honor of the revolutionary proletarian initiative” (ibid., vol. 12, p. 2 (vol. 9, p. 362)). All-mountain political strikes in the capitals served as the impetus for the merger of individual strikes into a powerful all-Russian strike. movement. Oct 10 a general strike covered enterprises in Kharkov and Yekaterinoslav, October 11. - Minsk, October 12. - Chelyabinsk, October 13. - Krasnoyarsk, Ekaterinburg, October 14. - Rostov-on-Don, Irkutsk, Chita, Kyiv, Tiflis, Warsaw, October 15. - enterprises of Riga, Lodz. By 15-18 Oct. the strike became all-Russian.

Together with Russian The workers of the country's various nationalities rose up into the proletariat. The general strike took place in harmony in Poland and Latvia. In Revel Est. the workers clashed with the troops. Barricade battles broke out in Kharkov, Yekaterinoslav, Odessa, armed. clashes in Transcaucasia. The troops hesitated. The general strike of railway workers was especially important for Wed. Asia and Siberia, where industrial the proletariat was small. “This time the all-Russian political strike really swept the entire country, uniting all the peoples of the damned Russian “empire” in the heroic upsurge of the most oppressed and most advanced class” (ibid. (vol. 9, p. 362)).

Oct. political The strike was distinguished not only by its territorial scope, but also by its unprecedented mass scale. It involved approx. 519 thousand factory workers; including the mining, mining, and government industries - St. 1 million industrial workers (approximately 1/3 of their total number). This - greatest number strikers for the entire revolution of 1905-07. Together with railway workers (up to 750 thousand), employees, students total number participants O. v. p.s. reached 2 million people.

Oct. the movement was strongly political. character and went under the Bolshevik slogans: “Down with the Bulygin Duma!”, “Down with the tsarist government!”, “Long live the Provisional Revolutionary Government!” and others. Yavochny, revolutionary. through the strikers carried out democracy. freedom - freedom of speech, press, assembly, an 8-hour working day was introduced at enterprises.

A clear indicator of political The nature of the October movement of the proletariat was the birth of new revolutionaries. bodies - Councils of Workers' Deputies. First meeting Petersburg. Council took place on the night of October 14. Councils arise in Mariupol, Yekaterinoslav, Lugansk, Kyiv, Baku, etc. In October. - Dec. Councils of workers' deputies were created in more than 50 cities and workers' settlements. Soviets as the beginnings of revolution. power as a form of politics. organizations of the proletariat emerged during the strike struggle. They arose “...from a general strike, about a strike, for the sake of the goals of a strike” thanks to the revolutionary initiative of the proletarian masses (ibid., p. 62 (vol. 10, p. 4)).

Oct. political The strike confirmed the correctness of the Bolshevik tactics of boycotting the Bulygin Duma. She forced the government to refuse to convene it. Frightened by the wide scope of the movement, tsarism initially decided to deal with the striking armed forces. by force. Governor General of St. Petersburg D. F. Trepov 14 Oct. issued an order: “Don’t fire blank volleys, don’t spare cartridges!” However, repression could not stop the growth of the strike. By half Oct. a balance of power has developed in the country, when “tsarism is no longer strong, the revolution is not yet strong enough to win” (ibid., p. 5 (vol. 9, p. 382)). Then tsarism began a maneuver in order to split the forces of the revolution and satisfy it through constitutions. making concessions to wavering elements, to win over the liberal bourgeoisie. Oct 17 The tsar's manifesto on the “granting” of citizenship to the people was published. freedoms, convocation of legislators. thoughts, expansions voting rights(See Manifesto of October 17, 1905). Despite the half-heartedness and hypocrisy of the tsar's statements, the lack of real guarantees of their implementation, this was the first victory of the revolution. Tsarism was forced to temporarily retreat under the pressure of the revolutionaries. people. The proletariat conquered, although only a short time, freedom of the press, meetings, and unions, unprecedented in Russia.

After the Manifesto of October 17. There was a clear demarcation politically. forces in the country. Having enthusiastically greeted the tsar's manifesto, the bourgeoisie henceforth directed all efforts to support tsarism in suppressing the revolution. There was a consolidation of the bourgeoisie, expressed in the creation of the bourgeoisie. political parties - the "Union of October 17" and the Constitutional Democratic (Cadets). The liberal bourgeoisie, supported by the Mensheviks, believed that the manifesto meant Russia's turn to a peaceful constitution. way of development. The Bolsheviks denounced the Tsar's manifesto and called for a continuation of the struggle.

O.v. p.s. did not end immediately. Until 21-22 Oct. it continued in Moscow and was stopped at the direction of the RSDLP MK. For certain purposes. on the roads it ended on October 24-25, and in Poland even later. In Oct. movement, the proletariat acted as a hegemon, capable of attracting democratic people to fight. layers of society; this gave scope and strength to the onslaught on the autocracy. O.v. p.s. proved the importance of universal political strikes as one of the forms of revolution. struggle, proved the correctness of the Bolshevik tactics. But the strike itself was not able to overthrow tsarism. The logic of the struggle led the proletariat to arms. uprising. See December armed uprisings of 1905.

Lit.: Lenin V.I., The proletariat fights, the bourgeoisie sneaks into power, Complete. collection cit., 5th ed., vol. 11 (vol. 9); his, Boycott of the Bulygin Duma and uprising, ibid. (vol. 9); him, In the tail of the monarch. bourgeoisie or at the head of the revolutionaries. proletariat and peasantry, ibid. (vol. 9); his, Bloody Days in Moscow, ibid. (vol. 9); him, Politich. strike and street struggle in Moscow, ibid. (vol. 9); him, Vseross. political strike, ibid., vol. 12 (vol. 9); his, Balance of Powers, ibid. (vol. 9); his, The First Victory of the Revolution, ibid. (vol. 9); The Bolsheviks are at the head of the All-Russian Federation. political strikes in October 1905 Sat. documents and materials, M., 1955; All-Russian political strike in October 1905. Documents and materials, parts 1-2, M. - L., 1955.

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"OCTOBER ALL-RUSSIAN POLITICAL STRIKE 1905" in books

author Commission of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks

4. Further rise of the revolution. All-Russian political strike in October 1905. The retreat of tsarism. Tsar's manifesto. The emergence of Soviets of Workers' Deputies.

From the book A Short Course in the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) author Commission of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks

4. Further rise of the revolution. All-Russian political strike in October 1905. The retreat of tsarism. Tsar's manifesto. The emergence of Soviets of Workers' Deputies. By the fall of 1905, the revolutionary movement swept the entire country. It grew with enormous force. September 19 in

4. ALL-RUSSIAN OCTOBER POLITICAL STRIKE IN UKRAINE

From the book History of the Ukrainian SSR in ten volumes. Volume five: Ukraine during the period of imperialism (early 20th century) author Team of authors

4. ALL-RUSSIAN OCTOBER POLITICAL STRIKE IN UKRAINE The strike begins. In the fall of 1905, the workers of Moscow and St. Petersburg made a great contribution to the further development of the revolutionary movement in the country. On September 19, strikes by printers began in Moscow.

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Notes to the article “All-Russian political strike” All-Russian political strike “The barometer shows the storm” (“Frankfurter Zeitung” (166)) “Journal de Gen?ve” (167) – revolution en plein. The growth of the railway strike (“Alle R?der stehen” still, wenn dein starker Arm es will."("All wheels will stop if

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Plans for the articles “Bloody days in Moscow” and “Political strike and street struggle in Moscow”

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Plans for the articles “Bloody days in Moscow” and “Political strike and street struggle in Moscow” 1 Events in Moscow Friday – Saturday – Sunday – Monday – Tuesday 6–7–8–9–10. X. 1905 Art. (27. IX.).Strike of typesetters + bakers + beginning of a general strike.+ Students. 154 Speech

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October All-Russian political strike 1905

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Political satire in 1905–1906 Affairs of days gone by... They died down in the heavy volume of satirical magazines of 1905–1906. A careful hand folded them one after another in a secluded corner, then hid them from the searches of the “servants of the unrestrained reaction”, preserved them to this day, until

From the book Our First Revolution. Part I author Trotsky Lev Davidovich

In August 1905, Nicholas II published a decree on the introduction of popular representation - the legislative “Bulygin Duma”, but it tore the country apart revolution did not subside. The idea of ​​a general political strike began to be propagated. It began in Moscow, October 7-8, 1905, with a railway strike. The city was left almost without communication with the country. The revolutionaries used violence and threats to force factories and shops to join the strike. By October 10, the strike in Moscow became general. From there it began to spread throughout the country and captured St. Petersburg. In some places there were clashes between crowds and troops.

Not everyone in the country supported the revolutionary party, but influential in bureaucratic circles S. Witte intensively developed the idea that the government should make concessions to the strikers and carry out constitutional reform. He was joined by many other top bureaucrats. A few years earlier, in a note “ Autocracy and zemstvo", Witte argued that even local people's self-government. Now he drew up a report to the tsar in a completely different spirit, arguing: it is necessary to accept the program of the “liberation movement”, because “there is no other outcome for saving the state... the course of historical progress is unstoppable.” Witte proposed the abolition of all local exceptional provisions introduced during the revolution; the widest spread of freedoms; the constitution “on the basis of the division between the tsar and the people of legislative power, budgetary law and control over the actions of the administration”; autonomy for Poland and Georgia and even expropriation of private land property.

Witte began to go to the Tsar in Peterhof and persuade him to accept this program, undertaking to personally implement it. True, he himself warned that if it were implemented, legal order would not be established soon, because Russian population Civil skills are still weak! The majority of Nicholas II’s entourage gradually took Witte’s side, with the exception of one St. Petersburg governor D. Trepova, which called for firm opposition to anarchy and revolutionary violence.

The all-Russian political strike lasted only a few days. The people, tired of the unrest, did not welcome her. Grassroots in different places began to oppose the revolutionaries. On October 14-15, street clashes took place in Moscow with strikers from the patriotic crowd. Students who were forced to close factories and shops were beaten in the streets and then besieged in the university building. On October 16, an appeal from Metropolitan Vladimir was read in all churches, calling on the people to fight the unrest. On October 17, water supply and horse-drawn carriages began to operate in Moscow; Kazan, Yaroslavl and Nizhny Novgorod decided to end the strike railways. In Tver, on October 17, people besieged the building of the “revolutionary” provincial government, set it on fire and indiscriminately beat everyone coming out of it. But due to the disruption of postal and transport communications, the tsar and the government were poorly aware of this. In St. Petersburg, the strike, which began later, did not stop yet, and even intensified: on October 14, the Council of Workers' Deputies, headed by Trotsky, began to operate here, Parvus And Khrustalev-Nosar.

Witte still managed to persuade Nicholas II to sign the Manifesto on constitutional reform on October 17. Previous project legislative The “Bulygin Duma” was rejected there in favor of representation legislative. They promised to expand voting rights, especially in cities. The tsar’s intention, already expressed before, “to grant the population effective personal inviolability, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association” was once again confirmed.

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