The term "ket" was coined in the 1920s. Earlier in Russian literature, the Kets were known as Ostyaks, Yenisei Ostyaks, Yeniseians. The ancestors of the Kets have long lived on the territory of Southern Siberia, together with other representatives of the so-called Yenisei-speaking peoples: Arins, Assans, Yarints, Tins, Bakhtins, Kotts, etc.
Some Ket-speaking groups in the 9th-13th centuries. went north, settling on the middle Yenisei and its tributaries. It was here, in contact with the Khanty and Selkups, and then with the Evenks, that the original Ket culture was formed. Subsequently, the Kets moved north up to the rivers Turukhan, Kureika and Lake Maduyskoye, displacing or assimilating the Enets from there.
The Yenisei tribes remaining in the south were gradually by the XVIII-XIX centuries. assimilated by the peoples around them. In particular, the Yenisei participated in the formation of separate groups of Khakasses (Kachins), Tuvans, Shors, Northern Altaians.
From the end of the XVIII century. The Kets united in councils, within which they lived in separate camps from several families. By the beginning of the XX century. the Kets were dominated by small families. Marriage was preceded by conspiracy and matchmaking. The central moment of the conspiracy was the rite with the cauldron. The groom's relatives filled with gifts (squirrel skins, scarves) a copper cauldron and took the bride to the plague. An inverted cauldron meant refusal, acceptance of gifts - consent to marriage. After that, the parties agreed on a ransom (kalym) for the bride.
National features are also clearly manifested in funeral rituals. The Kets had several types of burials, in particular, in the ground and in the air. By the 19th century air burial was used only for shamans and children. The deceased was laid in a pit on his back, with his head to the east, covered with two boards. A stick with a fork was installed on the grave, later - an Orthodox cross. A special feature is the binding of patches of white matter to the cross. There were burials in an overturned boat. Air burials were arranged in the stump of a felled tree or on a platform. Accompanying inventory broke and deteriorated.
The original occupations of the Kets were foot hunting for ungulates (elk, deer), waterfowl and upland game, mass fishing with a kotsk (fence with a wicker trap). With the introduction of yasak, and then with the development of commodity relations, the fur trade (sable, squirrel) occupies the first place.
Hunting tools - bow and arrows - were used to hunt all kinds of animals and birds until the 1930s. The northern part of the Kets borrowed from the Nenets in a limited amount transport reindeer husbandry, which completely disappeared in the 1970s.
Ket hunters moved on wide skis made of spruce, pasted over from below with skins. The cargo was transported on a mobile manual sled. The dog helped carry it. For movement on the water, large plank boats-ilimki (carrying capacity up to four tons) with a mast and a sail, a residential part, and covered birch bark were used. In shallow waters and lakes, branch boats carved from aspen were widely used.
The home occupations of men were woodworking, bone, horn, blacksmithing. Ket bows and tools (knives, scrapers, etc.) were famous in the Yenisei North and served as a subject of exchange. Women dressed skins and birch bark, made clothes and utensils from them.
The film "Torn off by the wind from the fire ..." (1991) from the series "The Golden Fund of Krasnoyarsk Television" (2012). Authors: Maxim Feitelberg, Vladimir Cherenkov. Video provided by State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company "Krasnoyarsk"
general information
Kets are an indigenous people living in the middle reaches of the Yenisei. Self-name - ket ("man"). The Russians called the Kets in the past Ostyaks, Yenisei Ostyaks, Yeniseians. Separate groups of Kets were known in the 17th century as Inbaks, Yuguns, Zemshaks and Bogdens.
The language is Ket. The dialects are Imbat and Sym, which differ significantly from each other in the field of phonetics, morphology and vocabulary. Some researchers even consider them separate languages. The vast majority of modern Kets speak the Imbat dialect, which is subdivided into subdialects. The Ket language is one of the isolated ones among the languages of all other peoples of Siberia. Linguists point to common features in the basic principles of its construction with some languages of the Caucasian highlanders, Basques and North American Indians. The Kets did not have a written language; it is currently being formed on the basis of Russian graphics. All modern Kets speak Russian, some speak Selkup and Evenki. It is generally accepted that the ancestors of modern Kets were formed in the Bronze Age in the south of the Ob-Yenisei interfluve as a result of the mixing of the Caucasoids of Southern Siberia with the ancient Mongoloids. Approximately in the 1st millennium AD, they came into contact with the Turkic and Samoyed-Ugric-speaking population and, as a result of migrations, ended up in the Yenisei North.
Territory of settlement and population
At the beginning of the 17th century, the Ket tribes occupied a vast territory along the rivers Kan (the right tributary of the Yenisei), Usolka, Ona (the left bank of the lower reaches of the Angara), along the Yenisei from modern Krasnoyarsk to the mouth of the Tuba River. By the first half of the 19th century, almost all of them had lost their language, having merged with the Russians, Evenks, and the ancestors of the modern Khakass. And only the northernmost Kets, who lived down the Yenisei and its tributaries, the Kas, Sym, Dubches, Yeloguy and Bakhta, retained their language and ethnic characteristics.
At present, the main part of the Kets lives in the Turukhansky, Severo-Yeniseisky and Yeniseisky regions of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, as well as in the Baikitsky region of the Evenk Autonomous Okrug. They are concentrated mainly in 13 villages. They live here together with Russians, Selkups, Evenks and other peoples. In the villages of Kellogg, Farkovo, Maduika and Sovetskaya Rechka, they are the predominant part of the population. In the settlements of Surgutikha, Baklanikha, Goroshikha, their share is about 30%. In other villages, chum salmon are represented insignificantly: from 5 to 15%.
The total number of Kets according to the 2002 census was 1494 people.
Lifestyle and life support system
The traditional economic complex of the Kets, characteristic of the hunting population of the taiga zone, developed long before the migration of the ancestors of modern Kets to the Yenisei North. As a result of interaction with their Samoyed-speaking neighbors, most of the Kets developed taiga reindeer herding. The main occupation of most Kets in the 19th century was hunting and fishing. Hunting provided meat for food and skins for clothes and shoes. Of great importance was the hunting of ungulates - elk and deer, as well as waterfowl and upland game. With the advent of the Russians, the importance of fur hunting increased. Among the northern (Kurei) Kets, fishing prevailed over hunting. They caught fish all year round. Reindeer husbandry was a subsidiary industry. Reindeer were used exclusively as a means of transport during the winter hunting. Over the past decades, there have been significant changes in the way of life of the Kets. The economic reorganizations of the Soviet years (collectivization, the transformation of collective farms into state commercial enterprises, resettlement in large multinational settlements, etc.) led to a reduction in the employment of Kets in hunting and fishing. Reindeer husbandry has been completely lost. The social and professional structure has changed. A significant part of the Kets began to work in new industries - fur farming, dairy farming, gardening. It has its own intelligentsia. About 15% of all Kets are city dwellers. However, taiga fishing still plays an important role in providing food for Ket families. Due to supply difficulties, its importance in life support has even grown. Fishing has become especially important.
Ethno-social setting
As in other northern regions, the ethno-social situation in the Turukhansk region is determined by the problems of unemployment and the associated low standard of living of the indigenous population, the state of health of the Kets, and the low level of development of the social sphere. In the course of market reforms in the region, the economic base of agricultural enterprises, which provided the greatest employment for the Kets, was practically destroyed. By the end of the 90s. 58% of the Kets did not have a job. Failed to solve the problems of employment of the indigenous population and appeared in recent years, family-tribal farms. Most of them by the end of the 90s. stopped their work due to economic difficulties. Several Ket-Evenk family-clan farms operate only in the Baikitsky district of the Evenk Autonomous Okrug. In the ethnic villages of the Turukhansk region, on the whole, it was possible to maintain social and cultural institutions. Every Ket village has feldsher-obstetric stations (FAPs), schools, clubs, kindergartens, but many of them do not work due to a lack of specialists. In the village of Kellogg, most subjects are taught by teachers without special education. The school in the settlement of Maduyka works with big interruptions. For the same reason, feldsher-obstetric stations do not work in Surgutikha, Sovetskaya Rechka, where a significant part of the Kets live. In general, out of 18 FAPs in the district, only 9 have heads. The lack of medical workers in the field leads to irrational spending on air ambulance. In 1998, the district administration spent almost 1 million rubles on medical assignments to Sovetskaya Rechka alone. The Kets of the region continue to maintain a fairly high birth rate - 21.4 per 1000 people (total for the region - 11.7), however, the mortality rate is noticeably higher than the general region - 12.7 and 10.8 per 1000 people, respectively. In the structure of mortality of the indigenous population, mortality associated with injuries and accidents prevails - 59%. Among those who died for these reasons, people under the age of 40 make up more than 73%. Of particular concern is the health of young people.
Ethno-cultural situation
The way of life of the Kets in the villages is no different from the Russian population. Some features of traditional life are preserved only during the period of being in the fishery, which is engaged in by an insignificant part of the Ket population. Of the traditional material culture, vehicles (boats, skis, hand sledges), winter shoes, and some tools of labor that have become interethnic are preserved. To a greater extent, individual elements of traditional spiritual culture are preserved - religious beliefs, family and family and funeral cults, fine arts, oral, especially song folk art. In 1989, 48.8% of the Kets considered the Ket language their native language. Between censuses 1979-1989. the share of those who consider the Ket language as their mother tongue has decreased by almost 12%. Currently restored interrupted in the late 30s. teaching the Ket language in elementary schools, in the village of Kellogg it is taught in high school as an elective. A primer and other manuals in the native language, educational Ket-Russian and Russian-Ket dictionaries have been created. The measures taken in this regard have contributed to the fact that the rate of reduction of the native language has somewhat slowed down. Measures are being taken to organize rural museums. The construction of two ethno-cultural centers is being carried out at the expense of the federal budget - in the villages of Kellogg and Farkovo.
Governing bodies and self-government
In the structure of the Turukhansk regional administration there is a specialist who oversees the problems of the indigenous peoples of the region. A very prominent place is occupied by their problems in the activities of the district administration as a whole. The Kets head a number of rural administrations in national settlements. The interests of the Ket population and other indigenous peoples of the region have been protected in recent years by the Association of the Ket people of the Turukhansk region, established in the early 1990s. It has its branches in national villages.
Legal documents and laws
There is no legal framework for kets. The Charter of the Krasnoyarsk Territory does not even mention the Kets, it contains only a few insignificant general phrases about promoting the preservation and development of national and ethnic customs and traditions of all peoples inhabiting the region. At the regional level, not a single document has yet been adopted that guarantees the rights of the Ket people to independent development. But new drafts of regional laws are being developed, which will reflect the rights of the indigenous peoples of the North.
Contemporary environmental issues
The ecological situation is deteriorating. In recent years, active geological exploration work has been carried out in the Turukhansky district, a number of promising mineral deposits have been discovered, in connection with which the district administration is already raising the issue of compensating for the damage inevitably caused to the local population during the exploration and production of mineral resources.
Prospects for the preservation of the Kets as an ethnic group
The Kets, as an ethnic system, are certainly in the "risk zone". The low number, the strengthening of assimilation processes (more than half of the families are ethnically mixed) make their ethnic future difficult to predict. At the same time, the ethnic identity of the Kets is stable. There is a growing interest in their historical past, national culture. The concentration of Kets within the boundaries of one administrative region, the status of an indigenous people, the growth of independence in solving their own internal problems also contribute to ethnic stability. It seems that the future of the Ket ethnic group will largely depend on the successful solution of the socio-economic problems of the region.
Alexander Vladimirovich Dorozhkin (born 1958) ,
settlement Surgutikha (near the channel on the left bank of the Yenisei, near 64 ° NL) ,
summer 2005. Photo by NIVC MSU.lingsib.unesco.ru
Nina Kharlampevna Tyganova (Baldina) (born 1928) ,
settlement Kellogg (100 km west of the Yenisei, about 63 ° NL) ,
summer 2005. Photo by NIVC MGU. www.lingsib.unesco.ru
Maria Baldina with her daughter Milana.
Kellogg village, Turukhansk district, Krasnoyarsk Territory,
summer 2003. Photo by Andrey Rudakov. agency.photographer.ru
A resident of the village of Surgutikha ,
summer 2001. Photo by Alexey Voevodin (Krasnoyarsk).
photosight.ru
area
Kets live along the Yenisei, from about 61 ° N. to the polar circle. Along the Yenisei does not mean along the Yenisei. On the greatest river of the Kets, whose life has long been based on the Yenisei fishing, now there are very few. Three centuries ago, Russian colonization began to force them out of the “main” river, competing for the bioresources of the Yenisei. Those Kets who remained to live on the banks of the Yenisei are now very Russified. The "real" Kets live in settlements that are mostly located away from the Yenisei itself: in the lower reaches of its tributaries.
The natural environment of the Kets. Right bank of the Yenisei. Maduika river.
The area where the Yenisei crosses the Arctic Circle .
Photo kureika-foto.narod.ru
Most of the Kets of Russia live on the territory of the Turukhansky district of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. The main Ket settlement is Kellogg (more than 200 Kets). There are cats in the village. Maduika, Goroshikha, Baklanikha, Surgutikha, Vereshchagino, Verkhneimbatsk, Bakhta. In the early 90s, several dozen Kets moved to the regional center Turukhansk (at the confluence of the Lower Tunguska into the Yenisei) and to a large settlement in the south of the Turukhansk region - Bor (near the confluence of the Podkamennaya Tunguska into the Yenisei).
Maduyka is one of the northernmost habitats of the Kets, just north of the Arctic Circle, 50 km east of the Yenisei . On the Yenisei itself, approximately at this latitude, and not far from here on a Siberian scale, is the famous Kureika, the place where in 1914-1916. I.V. Stalin was in exile.
Photo kureika-foto.narod.ru
The only settlement with a densely populated Ket population outside the Turukhansky district is Sulomai, located on the territory of the Evenki district on Podkamennaya Tunguska.
Some of the Kets live in Krasnoyarsk.
The majority of the population of the Kets are only in the village. Kellogg, Maduika and Sulomai. These are “real” Ket settlements.
The word comes from ket- Human. The name "kety" has been established in the Russian language since the 1920s. Prior to this, the Kets were known under the names "Yenisei Ostyaks", "Yenisei".
Fridtjof Nansen, who traveled along the Yenisei in 1913, in mid-September in the Russian village of Sumarokovo, noted a mass of "Ostyaks" (Kets) with traditional, covered with birch bark, Ilimk boats. The natives stocked up here with food and equipment, preparing for the winter fishing season.
Modern Kets themselves often call themselves keto, thereby solving the problem of the formation of a feminine ethnonym. Ethnographic dictionaries, however, the word keto interpreted as "local incorrect".
Language
The Ket language is isolated. It is not related to any language of neighboring peoples and, accordingly, is not included in any group of languages of North Asia. This allows researchers and science fiction writers to build a variety of versions of the origin of the people.
The Ket language is being taught in schools. Writing - based on Russian graphics. In the 1980s, a primer and other manuals were created in Ket. In the early 1990s, many teachers were very enthusiastic about teaching the Ket language, hoping that the school would revive Ket children's interest in their culture and help curb the process of ousting the Ket language from all spheres of communication. However, they faced a harsh reality, and the enthusiasm began to fade. ( indigenous.ru)
In reality, no more than 150 people speak the Ket language today. These are almost exclusively representatives of the older generation. The vast majority of children and young people do not know the Ket language except for a few words. At the same time, all Kets speak Russian either as their native language or as a second language. Among the representatives of the older generation in the Yenisei settlements, the Ket-Selkup-Russian trilingualism is still widespread, and in the north one can also meet the Ket-Evenki-Russian trilingualism.
Settlement Maduyka, 130 km southeast of Igarka. North of the Ket area.
Photo kureika-foto.narod.ru
Some representatives of the middle generation use the Ket language in conversation with older relatives and acquaintances, preferring to speak Russian among themselves; they switch to the Ket language only when they want to hide the content of the conversation from others, for example, from children. Somewhat better than elsewhere, the Ket language is preserved in Kellogg. However, the natural transmission of language within the family from parents to children is interrupted everywhere. It is not the first generation of parents, regardless of the degree of knowledge of the Ket language, who speaks exclusively in Russian with their children. (Laboratory of Automated Lexicographic Systems of the Research Computing Center of Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov)
Young men speak Kets more readily and more often than girls, and while hunting in the forest, Kets of different ages communicate mainly in their native language.
Ket family. Sulomai. Photo by Research and Development Center of Moscow State University
In 1993, Ket-Russian and Russian-Ket dictionaries were published under the editorship of Heinrich Kasparovich Werner, a Russian German from Taganrog, who currently lives in Bonn (Germany) and is a leading specialist in the Ket language. In 2000, textbooks by the same author for the 2nd and 3rd grades were published in Ket. In the same year, a book for reading in the Ket language was published, edited by G.Kh. Nikolaeva, which included fairy tales, stories, riddles of the Kets. ( L. Yu. Mayorova. Saint Petersburg)
According to the household book of 2004, 226 people live in Sulomai. Kets make up about 70% of the population, the rest of the population is predominantly Russian (in this case, children in mixed marriages are usually recorded as Kets). 52% indicated Ket as their native language, while the answers were often accompanied by the following remarks: “So it’s generally Ket, but I speak Russian”; “I don’t speak native, I speak Russian”; "I grew up here among the Kets and consider myself a Ket, so my native language is Ket." 39% of respondents consider Russian as their native language: “I speak Russian more, good Russian”... (O.A. Kazakevich, I.V. Samarina and others. Ket project)
Kets on the Yenisei and south - almost Russian
The entire village of Bor is in a continuous birch forest on the left bank of the Yenisei. And on the right bank, three kilometers higher, at the confluence of Podkamennaya Tunguska with the Yenisei, there is a village of the same name with the river - Podkamennaya Tunguska. There are seventeen families of Kets (mixed marriages) in Bor. They look completely Russian, both anthropologically and ethnographically. Of course they don't know the language. "Grandma knew" (by mother). (Hieromonk Arseny (Sokolov). Diary of a missionary. 1997//missia.orthodoxy.ru)
Capital
Kellogg is an almost purely Ket village, about 270 people, on the Elogui River, more than 100 km from the mouth. The mouth of Eloguy is beyond Verkhneimbatsky. There is a Ket school in Kellogg. Delivery of products to Kellogg is now once a year, by high water, by boats. There is no air communication at all (earlier, Mi-8 flew on Thursdays), only there are flights from Turukhansk on a public call. So getting to Kellogg is almost impossible.
Sunrise to Kellogg in an hour. The helicopter is overloaded. Will they take it?
Departed from Turukhansk. One and a half hours - and a stop in Verkhneimbatsk. From Verkhneimbatsk - 35 minutes. We're in Kellogg, the "capital" of the Kets.
Through the window it was perfectly visible how the village is located. Log houses under slate and iron roofs along the calm Yelogui River, framed by sandy banks. Children and adults flocked to the landing helicopter, most of them were Kets.
Ket language teacher V.I. Bondareva is a mestizo, half ketka, half Russian. He takes us to the director of the school, a Ukrainian woman from Ternopil (her husband was a ket). A warm welcome, tea with onion and dill.
The school is an incomplete secondary school. There is a catastrophic shortage of teachers. Because of the conflict between visiting teachers from Ukraine and the local population, the first ones left. In addition, the school building itself burned down, and was partially dismantled in the winter for firewood. Four workers flew in with us to finish building the school. Electricity (from local diesel) - several hours a day, from 18:00, many have TVs.
Like this. The German wrote a primer of the Ket language (in collaboration with Ketka Nikolaeva). The Czechs come and study the Kets. Also the Japanese. And we Russians can only sell vodka?
The dwellings of the Kets are generally very poor. They have two types of boats: old "branches", like kayaks, and modern motor boats.
Recorded one girl on the recorder. She sang a Ket song about the motherland. Natasha, fair-haired, gray-eyed and covered in freckles. She sang long, mournfully. They say that in ancient times, the Kets were fair-haired and light-eyed and, in general, had a pronounced Caucasoid racial type.
We met the so-called "leader", Mikhail Mikhailovich Irikov, the shaman's grandson. Everyone in the village calls him Mishka-shaman.
Ket Valentin (his Ket name is Pil) offered to ride on the national boat - a branch. The two-bladed oar and the dugout boat itself resemble a kayak. Unsteady, but fast and very maneuverable.
The number 7 is sacred to the Kets. “Good,” as Valentina Ivanovna said. Perhaps this is due to mythological ideas about the seven levels of the universe.
Children from mixed marriages, as a rule, do not speak Ket and are alienated from everything Ket. But in the passport they are written with cats - for the sake of benefits. Purely Ket families can be counted on one hand. Although the school (grades 1-4) teaches the Ket language, still only ten percent of children communicate in Ket. Valentin-Pil said that his relatives kept, as he called it, an "idol" wrapped "in a rag" that should not be shown.
Ket language teacher V.I. Bondareva with students.
Photo missia.orthodoxy.ru
We went to the taiga to the White Lake. There are a lot of mushrooms around. The taiga is very rich in mushrooms, nuts, and berries. It is said that the Kets have deer on Maduika, and also near Igarka. The name "Igarka" comes from Igorka, that was supposedly the name of a certain Ket who lived with his family there at the beginning of the century.
Keto woman. Photo missia.orthodoxy.ru
Currently, according to Valentina Ivanovna, there are about a hundred ketologists in the world. Soon there will be more than kets... ( Hieromonk Arseny (Sokolov). Missionary's Diary. 1997)
Do kets need ketologists?
An electronic database on the Ket language is being created at Moscow State University. Its potential users are linguists, folklorists, ethnologists, culturologists, creators of textbooks for universities and schools.
Men of Sulomai . Photo by Research and Development Center of Moscow State University
But do cats need a multimedia base? The most interesting thing, it turns out, is needed. In any case, this is the impression we got from communicating with the inhabitants of Sulomai. The work of linguists in a linguistic community increases the prestige of the language among most members of this community. To an even greater extent, increasing interest in the ethnic language, and among "languageless" youth, is facilitated by the connection of the language with new, "fashionable" technologies - a computer and, moreover, the Internet. Even if there is only one computer in the village, and there is no talk of any access to the Internet yet, the fact that the ethnic language is presented on the Internet becomes a source of positive emotions for young people, and there are not so many such sources in the harsh life of the northern villages. . (O.A. Kazakevich, I.V. Samarina and others.Ket project)
Neighbours
In the lower reaches of the Podkamennaya Tunguska and along the lower reaches of the river. Bakhty passed the border between the possessions of the Kets and Evenks. There are legends about battles between them. (PAs of Russia)
traditional economy
The main traditional activities of the Kets are hunting and fishing. The main object of hunting was a squirrel, less often - an arctic fox.
Lower reaches of Podkamennaya Tunguska. The village of Sulomai. Descendants of Kets, Russians, and possibly even former rivals - Evenks. Photo by Research and Development Center of Moscow State University
Reindeer breeding appeared among the Kets late, by the time the Russians arrived on the Yenisei, their bulk did not yet have deer. Deer were used exclusively for transport purposes and provided transportation during hunting, the main object of which was squirrel. During a survey of the hunting and fishing economy of the Turukhansk district in 1973-1976. some groups of Kets still used reindeer teams for hunting. By now, Ket reindeer husbandry has completely disappeared. Kets lead a sedentary lifestyle and live among the Russian population. The differences in commercial nature management between the Kets and the non-indigenous population are small, and the standard of living of Ket families is much lower. Ancillary peasant farming, which is now an important support for the inhabitants of taiga villages, is poorly developed among the Kets.
During the years of reforms, there was a significant outflow of the non-indigenous population from the Ket settlements, and the disruption of transport links increased their isolation. This slowed down the pace of assimilation and created additional prerequisites for the formation of national identity. However, in order for them to be realized, it is necessary to guarantee the rights of the indigenous population to the territory they occupy and its resources. (K.B. Klokov, Doctor of Geographical Sciences, Head of the Laboratory of Geography of Society and Regional Policy, Research Institute of Geography, St. Petersburg State University//rangifer.org)
I live in Goroshikha. There are six children in our family. My mother is Evenka, my father is keto. The village is located on the banks of the Yenisei, just south of the Arctic Circle. Only 140 people live, of which 57 are Kets - almost half. There are few representatives of other indigenous peoples: Evenks - four, Selkups - three.
I have many relatives in Goroshikha, but not all of them live in the forest like our ancestors. Over the previous 50 years, almost all indigenous peoples were accustomed to living in the village, and even their children were brought up in a boarding school, and not in a family. Therefore, parents did not pass on to their children what the mothers and fathers of the parents knew.
Some of my relatives, pupils of boarding schools, hunt, fish and permanently live in the taiga. Parents help their children with parcels of fish, sometimes with money. Money in their family can only appear from the amount of furs, fish, and berries sold. But children need a father and mother, alive and always nearby.
Yura Sutlin (keto) makes fishing tackle from rods. The village of Kellogg. July 1, 2003. Photo by Andrey Rudakov.
agency.photographer.ru
In addition to my uncles, Tyganov Vladimir Alexandrovich constantly lives in the forest. He comes to the village only for groceries. This is how the chum salmon live in my village of Goroshikha. ( Hope Peshkina. indigenous.ru)
Fish always accompanies kets.
Photo kureika-foto.narod.ru
Nutritional issues
Two enemies of the Kets in Kellogg: alcoholism and hunger. One of the inhabitants of Bor says: “We come to them, we go into one of the houses. There are several people with children. On the floor - a bottle of alcohol and a pike. Everyone gnaws at the pike and drinks it down with alcohol.” ( Hieromonk Arseny (Sokolov). Missionary Diary. 1997)
April 17, 2001 Raw brown bear meat poisoned 13 residents of the village of Kellogg, Turukhansk region. All the injured were transported by helicopter to the local hospital. Everyone got sick after they ate stroganina made from the frozen meat of three bears killed in the taiga at the end of March. (newcanada.com)
I come from the Ket village of Maduyka, where about a hundred people live. Children in unemployed national families are malnourished, sick, and cannot go to study outside the region. (Ekaterina Dibikova. indigenous.ru)
Natural resource holiday
On May 28, 2005, on the initiative of the regional Kets Association (President Oksana Sinnikova), the Ket capital of Kellogg hosted the Elogui River Festival. In May, it opens, and among the Kets there is a belief that how you say hello to the river during awakening from hibernation depends on its goodwill towards its neighbors - people.
Sulomai- a village in Evenkia, in the lower reaches of the Podkamennaya Tunguska, almost anew built after the old Sulomai was demolished by the ice drift in 2001: ice floes rammed and crushed buildings .
Photo by Research and Development Center of Moscow State University
The simplest solution to Sulomai's problem would be to simply relocate the people elsewhere. However, Sulomai is a historical keto settlement. In a foreign territory, in unusual conditions, they would hardly be able to survive. A compromise decision was made: Sulomai will continue to exist, but now it will be located further away from the river.
Sulomai is apparently the second largest Ket settlement in Russia, Ket Petersburg (if Kellogg is the capital). The word "Sulomai" (in Ket Sulemkhai) means "red mountain".
The holiday began with the greeting of the small river Elogui, which at all times remains the breadwinner of the population of the village.
The coast is thin, like a braid. Boats are strong stern.
I throw nets into the water, the fish are caught by themselves.
In my boat, every day, taimen shines with scales
And the whitefish lie in bulk. Choose who is not lazy!
The catch is rich for lunch, there are no words for delight,
The Elogui River has become quiet, it does not carry steep ramparts.
Ah, dear little river, you must understand me.
Where can I find such a net to catch luck?
During the greeting, Elders Nina Kharlampyevna Tyganova, Uliana Prokopyevna Kotusova, Claudia Kharlampyevna Baldina (born 1928-1929) “fed” Elogui with fish soup and bread. (News of the RAIPNS and Far East of the Russian Federation)
Connection
By purchasing a batch of ground-based satellite communication stations of American production, the specialists of the Krasnoyarsk Design Bureau "Iskra" will complete the installation of telephones in 20 remote villages of the Krasnoyarsk Territory by the end of this year. The first such phones will appear in the villages of the Turukhansky district of Surgutikha, Bakhta and Kellogg, where representatives of the smallest indigenous Siberian keto people live compactly. (SibFO. 13.11.2003)
On the territory of the former, abolished in 2007, Baikitsky district of the former Evenk Autonomous Okrug.
The word "Ostyak", which was applied mainly to the Khanty, but sometimes extended to the Kets, is, generally speaking, somewhat offensive. It allegedly comes from the Tatar ugly- barbarian, wild. The Russians adopted this ethnonym from the Siberian Tatars without thinking about its meaning. In Soviet times, they tried to eradicate "offensive" ethnonyms - to replace them with self-names of peoples. There is, however, evidence that some Kets themselves continue to call themselves and their fellow tribesmen Ostyaks ( cooled down).
KETS (self-name - ket, keto - person, plural deng - people; obsolete - Ostyaks, Yenisei Ostyaks, Yeniseis, Asians), a people in Russia. They live along the middle and lower Yenisei (villages of Vorogovo, Sumarokovo, Bakhta, Verkhneimbatsk, Kangotovo, Vereshchagino, Baklanikha, Turukhansk, Goroshikha) and its tributaries - the rivers Elogui (with a center in the village of Kellogg), Turukhan (village Farkovo), Kureika (villages Serkovo and Munduyka on Lake Munduiskoye), in the lower reaches of the Surgutikha River (Surgutikha village) in the Turukhansky district of the Krasnoyarsk Territory; the Podkamennaya Tunguska river (the villages of Sulomai, Baikit and Poligus) in the southeast of the Evenk region (until 2007 - an autonomous district), as well as in the Yenisei (Yartsevo settlement) and Igarsky regions of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. The Kets (along the Ket River) and the Sym (along the Sym River) Selkups were sometimes erroneously classified as Kets. The number is 1.5 thousand people, including 1.2 thousand people in the Krasnoyarsk Territory, 211 people in the Evenk District (2002, census); about half live in cities (Krasnoyarsk, Yeniseysk, Igarka, Norilsk, Svetlogorsk, etc.). They mostly speak Russian, some retain the Ket language. Officially from the 17th century they were Orthodox, since the end of the 20th century Protestantism has been spreading.
The Kets are the northernmost of the peoples who spoke the Yenisei languages. Their early history is associated with the cultures of the Bronze Age (2nd millennium BC) of the mountain-taiga zone between the upper reaches of the Ob and Yenisei (including the Samus 4 complex - see the Samus culture article). At the beginning of our era, they entered the zone of Hunnic and Turkic influence. The ancestors of the Kets proper lived mainly in the Kuznetsk-Minusinsk basin. Their contacts with the Turks and southern Samoyeds are possible. During the period of the Turkic expansion (9th-13th centuries), the Kets advanced from the Sayan-Altai along the Irtysh through the Ob to the Vasyugan, to the Tym, the Sym, to the upper reaches of the Yeloguy; along the Tom - through the Ob and Ket on the left bank of the Yenisei. The remaining Yenisei-speaking groups by the middle of the 19th century became part of the Khakass, Tuvans, Shors, and Northern Altaians.
Contacts with Russians from the beginning of the 17th century. The Kets lived in Mangazeya (northern, or Inbat, Kets, which included groups: Inbaks - in the lower reaches of the Upper Imbak and Elogui rivers; Bogdens - in the lower reaches of the Bakhta River; Zemshaks - in the lower reaches of the Podkamennaya Tunguska) and Yenisei (southern Kets: stone Ostyaks - along the rivers Dubches and Sym; dukans, or yugi, - in the lower reaches of the rivers Sym and Kae; Kuznetsk kets - in the area of the Yenisei prison, modern Yeniseisk, etc.) counties. In the 18th century, they migrated down the Yenisei to the Turukhan and Kureika rivers, and mixed (including the Ket-Selkup) territorial groups were formed: Shaikhinskaya (podkamennotungusskaya), Bakhtinskaya, Yeloguyskaya, Figanskaya, Kangatovskaya, Nizhneinbatskaya, Turukhanskaya, Kureyskaya. The term "Kets" has been established since the 1920s. According to the 1926 census, there were 1.4 thousand people. In the middle of the 20th century, national settlements arose: Sulomai, Kellogg, Surgutikha, Pakulikha, Serkovo.
The traditional culture is typical for the peoples of the taiga zone of Western Siberia (see the Peoples and Languages section in the Russia volume). They were engaged in fishing, hunting and gathering; with the advent of the Russians, the main occupation was fur, among the Kets, who lived along the Kureika River, fishing. Ket (so-called Ostyak) complex bows (kyt) were the subject of exchange throughout the entire Yenisei North; firearms appeared in the 19th century. Each patronymy had its own hunting grounds (“road”, or kang). In autumn and until the middle of winter they lived in dugouts (bangus). In January, men hunted in the taiga (“small walking”), and waited out the middle of winter in the camp. In January, the whole family left the camp and hunted, moving along the “road” (“long walk”), in the summer they united in camps on fishing grounds along the rivers, hunted waterfowl. A chum (kus) served as a dwelling during the winter hunting and summer fishing trades; The poles of the Ket tent at a height of about 1.5 m were fastened with a hoop (tep), the supporting poles were connected with a fork. Skis (asleng), hemmed with skins, of the Evenk type. The hunters used a hand-held sled (sul) and an elk-skin drag. They kept a small number of deer (most of all, reindeer husbandry was developed among the Left-Bank and Kurey Kets; on the contrary, it was absent among the Podkamenno-Tunguska Kets). In summer, deer graze freely in the taiga. Sledges were adopted from the Nenets and Enets, and horseback riding was adopted from the Evenks. There is a hypothesis about the Sayan roots of reindeer breeding among the Kets. They moved along the rivers in dugout (branch, dylti), plank and covered (ilimka, asel) boats, which were pulled along the coast by people and dogs. Lower clothing - a shirt (soyat) with straight skirts, gussets, sewn-in sleeves with cuffs, a straight slit and a stand-up collar; women's shirts have a long, slightly gathered hem made of fabric of a different color (from the end of the 19th century, a women's shirt was worn as a dress) and trousers (aleng). Outerwear of the Yenisei type (with side folds, seams on the shoulders, sewn-in sleeves and a wrap to the left): winter - fur parka (kat), summer - made of cloth (kotlyam) and rovduga (kheltam) or quilted on a fur lining (besam). The names of the details of the Ket clothing and the features of the cut bring it closer to the clothing of nomadic pastoralists (Kachins, Tuvans). Women girded themselves with long (up to 3 m) and wide (up to 20 cm) belts (kut) made of red or dark blue fabric, wrapping them several times (similar belts are known among the taiga Khakass, northern Altaians). The reindeer Kets also had deaf clothing - malitsa and sokuy of the Ural type. Men and girls braided their hair in one braid, rovduga strips with three beaded pendants (dumsut) were woven into it, married women - in two braids, weaving the ends of the occipital decoration (tydang) from rovduga embroidered with beads and deer hair under the neck into them. Wood carving (smoking pipes with a zoomorphic sculpted chibouk are typical), birch bark, bones, painting on wood, leather and birch bark, applique on fabric, embroidery with deer hair and beads. The ornament is characterized by a forked motif.
The descendants of the Inbaks made up the exogamous half (hugotpyl) of Kentan (with the subdivision Olgyt), the descendants of the Bogdens and Zemshaks - half of the Bogdeyget (with the subdivision Konan), uniting patronymy (bisniming). Avunculate was widespread, matrilateral cross-cousin marriages, marriage ransom (whale) were practiced. The system of kinship terms is characterized by a combination of descriptive constructions, generationality, linearity, Omaha-type generational skew, and rolling generation counting (elder brother and older sister are identified with older cousins on the paternal side, as well as with the younger brother of the father and the younger sister of the father - apparently , under Selkup influence). Siblings are referred to by a general term with the addition of indicators of relative age, although relative age relationships have not been developed as in the neighboring Ural and Altaic kinship systems.
The Kets worshiped the supreme heavenly deity Yes; his ex-wife Khosedam personified the evil inclination, was the mistress of the underworld. They revered the owner of the animals Kaigus, the mistress of the family sanctuary, Kholai, the female guardian spirits of the hearth (“old woman” allel), whose images in the form of wooden dolls in fur clothes were inherited by relatives. They believed in harmful spirits (Dotet, Litys, Kalbesam), etc. The deceased was buried with his head to the east, his clothes, broken sleds, bow, damaged gun were left at the grave, sometimes his dogs or deer were killed. Air burials (shamanic) and in tree stumps (for children) were known. On the occasion of the bear hunt, a bear festival was held; in the form of a bear, they received a deceased relative who came to visit them. Ket shamanism is distinguished by developed ideas about a gift (kut) passed down among relatives, a seven-fold cycle (three years each) of the formation of a shaman. Shamans (sening) during the ritual took the form of a deer, dragonfly, bear, etc., put on a special parka, a breastplate and an iron headdress (for a deer shaman - with horns), used a tambourine (khas) of the Sayano-Yenisei version of the South Siberian type and a staff (tauks ). The memory of the legendary (first, great) shaman Dog was preserved. There were also soothsayers and healers (bangos) hostile to shamans, more often women.
Oral creativity included myths and texts of mythological origin, heroic and historical legends, fairy tales (fantastic, everyday, about animals, etc.), stories and legends, riddles. The mythoepic tradition (asket) is represented by narrations sung or alternating between speech and singing (including about the bird-man Pikul; among the Kurey Kets, the plot of Pikul also existed in the form of a children's fairy tale and a lullaby). There are myths about the creation of the world, an epic tale about three brothers - Balne, Belegen and Toret. The shamanic tradition is characterized by: personal songs of the shaman; the shaman's assistant, who certainly participated in the rituals, echoed him during the invocation of the spirits, to which individual melodies were assigned. For shamanistic formulas, 3-5-step narrow-volume scales, anhemitone pentatonic scales, a combination of different types of intonation, and timbre contrasts are common. Shamans could also act as storytellers. The basis of the song tradition (il) is personal songs (one person could have up to 6 or more), based on a 4-step diatonic scale with a subquart, full and incomplete anhemitone pentatonic, various 7-step scales. The salutatory singing is characterized by an initial exclamation and continuous gliding, and a specific high-altitude and loud vibration is also possible. Instrumental music is represented mainly by tunes on a lamellar jew's harp. In the past, a musical bow and a bowed lute-shaped instrument were known. Tales [about animals, about the Master of the animals Kaigus, magical tales (use asket), etc.] could only be told at the end of the autumn hunt, in the middle of winter.
Modern Kets are mainly engaged in fur hunting, gardening and fishing; intelligentsia emerged. Efforts are being made to preserve
traditional culture. Since 1995, there has been an Association of Indigenous Peoples of the Turukhansk North, an ethnocultural center with a museum in Turukhansk, since 2004 - the Krasnoyarsk Regional Public Organization of Indigenous Peoples of the North "Association of Kets".
Lit .: Dolgikh B. O. Kety. Irkutsk, 1934; Alekseenko E. A. Kety (historical and ethnographic essays). L., 1967; Ket collection. M., 1969. Issue. 2: Mythology, ethnography, texts; Aizenstadt A. Among the Kets and Selkups // Music of Siberia and the Far East. M., 1982. Issue. one; Ket collection. Anthropology, ethnography, mythology, linguistics. L., 1982; Nikolaev R. V. Folklore and questions of the ethnic history of the Kets. Krasnoyarsk, 1985; Dorozhkova T. Yu. Kets and Selkups // Musical culture of Siberia. Novosib., 1997. T. 1. Book. one; Krivonogov V.P. Kety on the threshold of the III millennium. Krasnoyarsk, 1998; Myths, legends, fairy tales of the Kets / Compiled, foreword. and approx. E. A. Alekseenko. M., 2001; Peoples of Western Siberia. M., 2005.
E. A. Alekseenko; G. V. Dzibel (a system of terms of kinship), N. M. Kondratieva (oral creativity).
All representatives of the salmon family are valued for their tender flesh and tasty large caviar. The chum salmon is no exception - an anadromous fish caught on an industrial scale and especially loved by the peoples of the Far East.
Description of chum salmon
Two types of chum salmon are known, distinguished by the season: summer (growing up to 60–80 cm) and autumn (70–100 cm). Summer chum salmon grows noticeably slower than autumn chum salmon, which is why it is generally inferior to the second in size.
Important! Anadromous fish are those who spend one part of their life cycle in the sea, and the other in the rivers flowing into it (during spawning).
Appearance
The chum salmon has a large conical head with small eyes, with a narrow, straight and long upper jaw.. The body is slightly compressed on both sides and elongated. Fins (both anal and dorsal) are more distant from the head than from the tail.
Most of all, chum salmon is similar to pink salmon, but, unlike it, it has large scales and fewer gill rakers. Also, chum salmon do not have characteristic black spots on the caudal fin and body. Yes, and secondary sexual characteristics in chum salmon (against the background of pink salmon) are less pronounced.
In sea waters, the massive, elongated body of the fish glistens, shimmering with silver. At this time, the chum salmon has dense and bright red meat. As spawning approaches, tangible physiological changes begin, more noticeable in males.
The silvery color transforms into yellow-brown, bright purple spots appear on the sides, the skin thickens, and the scales become rougher. The body grows in width and, as it were, flattens, in males, the jaws are bent, on which impressive curved teeth grow.
The closer spawning, the blacker the fish (both outside and inside). The bases of the gill arches, tongue and palate become black, and the flesh becomes flabby and whitish. Ketu in this state is called catfish - its meat is not suitable for humans, but it is quite usable by dogs in the form of yukola.
It is interesting! The official record holder for the largest was the chum fish caught in the western province of Canada, British Columbia. The trophy pulled 19 kg with a length of 112 cm. True, Khabarovsk residents assure that they pulled out 1.5-meter chum salmon from the local river Okhota more than once.
Fish Behavior
The life of the chum salmon is divided into two halves: feeding (sea period) and spawning (river). The first phase lasts until puberty. When fattening, the fish frolic and actively gain weight in the sea, away from the coastal boundaries. Fertility occurs, as a rule, at 3–5 years of age, less often at 6–7 years.
As soon as the chum salmon enters reproductive age, not only its appearance, but also its lifestyle changes dramatically. The character of the fish deteriorates and aggression appears. Chum salmon gather in huge flocks to migrate to the mouths of the rivers, where spawning takes place.
The average size of fish going to spawn: summer variety - 0.5 m, autumn - from 0.75 to 0.8 m. Schools are always divided into sexually mature and immature individuals. Those who are not ready for spawning are returning to the southern coasts. Sexually mature specimens continue their way to spawning areas, from where they are not destined to return.
The summer chum salmon enters the rivers (which is logical) earlier than the autumn one, stopping its course by the beginning of the autumn variety. The summer one usually spawns 30 days earlier than the autumn one, but the latter surpasses it in the number of its eggs.
Lifespan
It is believed that the life span of chum salmon falls within the interval of 6–7, maximum 10 years.
Range, habitats
Among other Pacific salmon, the chum salmon stands out for having the longest and widest range. In the western Pacific Ocean, it lives from the Bering Strait (north) to Korea (south). For spawning, it enters the freshwater rivers of Asia, the Far East and North America (from Alaska to California).
Chum salmon are found in large numbers, in particular, in the Amur and Okhota rivers, as well as in Kamchatka, the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin. The range of chum salmon also covers the basin of the Arctic Ocean, in the rivers of which (Indigirka, Lena, Kolyma and Yana) fish spawn.
Diet, food
When the fish spawn en masse, it stops eating, which causes the digestive organs to atrophy.
During feeding, the menu of adults consists of:
- crustaceans;
- shellfish (small);
- less often - small fish (gerbils, smelt, herring).
The older the chum gets, the less fish in its diet, which is replaced by zooplankton.
Fry eat a lot, adding 2.5 to 3.5% of their own weight per day. They actively devour insect larvae, aquatic invertebrates (small), and even the decaying corpses of their older relatives, including their parents.
An immature chum salmon (30-40 cm) walking in the sea has its own gastronomic preferences:
- crustaceans (copepods and heteropods);
- pteropods;
- tunicates;
- krill;
- ctenophores;
- small fishes (anchovies, smelt, flounder/goby fry, gerbil, herring);
- juvenile squid.
It is interesting! Keta often falls on hook tackle when fishing with live bait and bait. So she protects her potential offspring from small fish that eat chum caviar.
Reproduction and offspring
Summer chum salmon spawn from July to September, autumn - from September to November (Sakhalin) and from October to November (Japan). In addition, the path to the spawning site in the summer variety is much shorter than in the autumn. For example, in the summer on the Amur, fish travel 600-700 km upstream, and in autumn - almost 2 thousand.
The chum salmon go even farther from the mouth in the American rivers (Columbia and Yukon) - at a distance of about 3 thousand km. For spawning grounds, fish are looking for areas with a calm current and a pebbly bottom, with an optimal temperature for spawning (from +1 to +12 degrees Celsius). True, in severe frosts, caviar often dies, as spawning grounds freeze to the bottom.
Arriving at the spawning place, the fish are divided into flocks, consisting of several males and one female. Males drive away other fish, protecting their own masonry. The latter are holes with caviar, covered with a layer of sand. The masonry is 1.5–2 m wide and 2–3 m long.
There are approximately 4000 eggs in one clutch. Arrangement of the nest and spawning lasts from 3 to 5 days. A little more than a week, the female still guards the nest, but after a maximum of 10 days she dies.
It is interesting! Chum salmon have large eggs of rich orange color and 7.5–9 mm in diameter. The coloring pigment is responsible for saturating the larva with oxygen (for 90-120 days) until it turns into a full-fledged fry.
Another 80 days are spent on resorption of the yolk sac, after which the fry rush downstream to reach sea waters (coastal). Until the next summer, the fry feed in bays and bays, and when they grow up, they swim into the ocean, away from spawning streams and rivers.
The commercial value of chum fish is very important, fish is caught on a large scale
Loading...