Announcement: the revolution was not allowed to come to its senses, destroying strong Russia more and more.

CAUSES of revolutions:

1. A revolutionary situation arose when the government could not strictly restore order in the economy, and the people could not endure it any longer.
2. Defeats at the front, hunger, poverty.
3. Conspiracy against the Tsar, betrayal of the generals.
4. Contradictions between workers and capitalists, peasants and landowners.

February 1917- bourgeois-democratic revolution. Overthrow of the king. The creation of two government bodies: the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (Petrosovet) and the Provisional Government. Arose dual power. The Petrograd Soviet controlled the army and navy. The provisional government directed politics and economics.

Constant government crises. Change of government composition 4 times in six months. Defeats at the front. In August, General Kornilov revolted in order to seize power. The head of government, Kerensky, declared him an “enemy of the Fatherland.” The Bolsheviks participate in the creation of people's defense units. The growth of the authority of the Bolshevik Party and the number of its members. There is spy mania in Russia, constant demonstrations. September 1, 1917 Kerensky declares Russia a republic. A search is underway for Lenin, Trotsky and other revolutionaries. The Bolsheviks are preparing for an armed seizure of power.

At night from 25 to 26 October 1917- armed coup, the Bolsheviks arrested the Provisional Government. At the same time it is meeting II All-Russian Congress of Soviets. The Decrees on Land and Peace were adopted. Having learned about the Bolsheviks' prank, other parties left the congress in protest. The remaining Bolsheviks accept the Decree on Power and declare the coup legal. They create a one-party government - SNK(Council of People's Commissars). Later this coup would be called the Great October Socialist Revolution.

From October 1917 to March 1918 a triumphal procession took place Soviet power. The slogans of the Bolsheviks won in all areas. Russia's democratic development was interrupted.

REASONS for the Bolshevik victory:

1. Disagreements among other parties and the weakness of the bourgeoisie.
2. The development of a development program that promises a lot for the people.
3. The growth of the number and armament of the Bolshevik Party.
4. Lenin managed to overcome differences among the Bolsheviks.

The Bolsheviks were armed, organized, strong, and therefore took power. But they will flood Russia with blood. To be continued.

- revolutionary events that took place in Russia in early March (according to the Julian calendar - at the end of February - beginning of March) 1917 and led to the overthrow of the autocracy. In Soviet historical science it was characterized as “bourgeois”.

Its objectives were to introduce a constitution, establish democratic republic(the possibility of maintaining a constitutional parliamentary monarchy), political freedoms, and the solution of land, labor and national issues were not excluded.

The revolution was led to a significant deterioration in the socio-economic situation of the Russian Empire due to the protracted First World War, economic devastation, and the food crisis. It became increasingly difficult for the state to maintain the army and provide food to the cities; dissatisfaction with the military hardships grew among the population and among the troops. At the front, left-wing party agitators were successful, calling on soldiers to disobey and revolt.

The liberal-minded public was outraged by what was happening at the top, criticizing the unpopular government, the frequent change of governors and ignoring the State Duma, whose members demanded reforms and, in particular, the creation of a government responsible not to the Tsar, but to the Duma.

The aggravation of the needs and misfortunes of the popular masses, the growth of anti-war sentiment and general discontent with the autocracy led to mass protests against the government and the dynasty in major cities and above all in Petrograd (now St. Petersburg).

At the beginning of March 1917, due to transport difficulties in the capital, supplies deteriorated, food cards were introduced, and the Putilov plant temporarily suspended work. As a result, 36 thousand workers lost their livelihood. Strikes in solidarity with the Putilovites took place in all districts of Petrograd.

On March 8 (February 23, old style), 1917, tens of thousands of workers took to the streets of the city, carrying slogans of “Bread!” and “Down with autocracy!” Two days later, the strike had already covered half of the workers in Petrograd. Armed squads were formed at the factories.

On March 10-11 (February 25-26, old style), the first clashes between strikers and the police and gendarmerie took place. Attempts to disperse the protesters with the help of troops were not successful, but only escalated the situation, since the commander of the Petrograd Military District, fulfilling the order of Emperor Nicholas II to “restore order in the capital,” ordered the troops to shoot at the demonstrators. Hundreds of people were killed or injured, and many were arrested.

On March 12 (February 27, old style), the general strike escalated into an armed uprising. A massive transfer of troops to the side of the rebels began.

The military command tried to bring new units to Petrograd, but the soldiers did not want to participate in the punitive operation. One military unit after another took the side of the rebels. Revolutionary-minded soldiers, having seized an armory, helped detachments of workers and students arm themselves.

The rebels occupied the most important points of the city, government buildings, and arrested the tsarist government. They also destroyed police stations, seized prisons, and released prisoners, including criminals. Petrograd was overwhelmed by a wave of robberies, murders and robbery.

The center of the uprising was the Tauride Palace, where the State Duma previously met. On March 12 (February 27, old style), the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was formed here, the majority of which were Mensheviks and Trudoviks. The first thing the Council took up was solving the problems of defense and food supply.

At the same time, in the adjacent hall of the Tauride Palace, the Duma leaders, who refused to obey the decree of Nicholas II on the dissolution of the State Duma, formed the “Provisional Committee of State Duma Members,” which declared itself the bearer of supreme power in the country. The committee was headed by Duma Chairman Mikhail Rodzianko, and the body included representatives of all Duma parties, with the exception of the far right. The committee members created a broad political program for the transformations necessary for Russia. Their first priority was to restore order, especially among the soldiers.

On March 13 (February 28, old style), the Provisional Committee appointed General Lavr Kornilov to the post of commander of the troops of the Petrograd District and sent its commissioners to the Senate and ministries. He began to perform the functions of the government and sent deputies Alexander Guchkov and Vasily Shulgin to Headquarters for negotiations with Nicholas II on the abdication of the throne, which took place on March 15 (March 2, old style).

On the same day, as a result of negotiations between the Provisional Committee of the Duma and the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, a Provisional Government was created, headed by Prince Georgy Lvov, which took full power into its own hands. The only representative of the Soviets who received a ministerial post was the Trudovik Alexander Kerensky.

On March 14 (March 1, old style), a new government was established in Moscow, and throughout March throughout the country. But in Petrograd and locally, the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies gained great influence.

The coming to power simultaneously of the Provisional Government and the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies created a situation of dual power in the country. Has begun new stage the struggle for power between them, which, together with the inconsistent policies of the Provisional Government, created the preconditions for the October Revolution of 1917.

The material was prepared based on information from open sources

Introduction

The history of Russia is one of the richest and most diverse in events in the whole world. After all, what a country is, such is its history. This is despite the fact that much remains unexplored, much is generally unknown. However, for all its greatness, the history of Russia is also one of the most tragic in the world. In every period of the history of our country there were sad, sometimes severe consequences, sometimes terrible events. A considerable number of these happened in the 20th century, especially in its first half, a century that became difficult not only for our country, but practically for the whole of Europe.

The content of this work is a series tragic events that occurred in Russia in the first quarter of the 20th century, in 1917. These events are the two revolutions (as well as all the numerous phenomena associated with them), which happened in February and October 1917 and received during Soviet Union the names of the bourgeois-democratic and socialist revolutions, respectively. These events occurred in a fairly short period of time (in fact, the October Revolution was a consequence of the February Revolution), but brought colossal changes to the country, carried out a radical revolution in everything that had been created several centuries before. Russian empire ceased to exist, and the country began to be built in a new way.

There are a huge number of assessments of all these events: for some, it is a national catastrophe that led to the Civil War and the establishment of a totalitarian system of government in Russia (or, conversely, to the death Great Russia like empires); for others - the greatest progressive event in the history of mankind, which had a huge impact on the whole world, and allowed Russia to choose a non-capitalist path of development, eliminate feudal remnants and, in 1917, most likely saved it from disaster. Between these extreme points of view there are many intermediate ones.

Therefore, the purpose and objectives of this work are accordingly the need to consider the main events associated with this period and describe the role of the Bolsheviks in these events; give an objective assessment and draw conclusions about this period in the history of Russia and its consequences from the point of view of the general, widespread version of the two revolutions of 1917.

Results of the February Revolution

As a result of the February revolution in Russia, a peculiar political situation. At the same time, there were two authorities - the Provisional Government and the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. Thus, there was dual power in the country.

The revolution did not bring the expected renewal of the social atmosphere. By about mid-March, it became obvious that almost no one was happy with the results of February:

§ The financial situation of the “lower classes” not only did not improve, but quickly deteriorated. Unemployment grew, prices for the most necessary products increased abruptly.

§ The war with its enormous casualties continued. Millions of soldiers still did not leave the trenches. Many peasant families were left without breadwinners and had been in poverty for three years.

§ The middle strata: bureaucrats, officers, intelligentsia - welcomed the political freedom brought by the February Revolution, but they soon discovered that this freedom also had a downside.

§ Political stability wavered, which had a bad effect on both the material and moral state of the middle strata. This especially affected the position of the officers, in the conditions of democratization and the progressive decomposition of the army, who felt themselves deprived of their usual foundations.

§ The Provisional Government left essentially the entire old state apparatus intact. The old officials and the old order remained in all ministries and other central bodies. Only one minister was new.

§ The masses who carried out the revolution hoped that new government would immediately resolve the land issue, but the Provisional Government only called on the peasants to wait for the convening of the Constituent Assembly and not resort to violent seizure of land.

§ The policy of the Provisional Government in resolving the agrarian question was fully supported by the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries; they condemned the peasants for “agrarian unrest” and unauthorized seizure of land.

§ The provisional government decisively rejected workers' demands for an 8-hour working day. Only the persistent struggle of St. Petersburg workers led to the fact that the union of Petrograd factory owners and factory owners signed an agreement on March 11, 1917 on the introduction of an 8-hour working day at industrial enterprises in Petrograd. But under pressure from factory owners from other cities and the government, already on March 16, the Petrograd capitalists declared that their concession was temporary.

§ The government and bourgeois leaders completely rejected the workers' demands for improved working conditions and higher wages.

The bourgeois Provisional Government only declared the destruction of national inequality in Russia, but in fact continued to pursue a purely national policy towards non-Russian peoples. It strongly opposed granting rights to state independence to Finland, Ukraine and other national regions. In the early days of its activities, the Provisional Government had to enter into major clashes not only with the working masses of the national outskirts, but also with the local bourgeois strata of the population, who demanded expanded political rights for themselves. Such clashes between the Provisional Government soon occurred with Finland during the restoration of the activities of the Finnish Sejm and with Ukraine during the formation of the Central Ukrainian Rada. The Provisional Government followed an equally sharp anti-democratic course in its policy towards the mass of soldiers, who were the ally of the proletariat in the bourgeois-democratic revolution.

While the masses demanded to immediately begin negotiations on concluding a democratic and just peace, the bourgeois government not only did not want to conduct such negotiations, but also persistently sought to ensure that Russia would continue the imperialist war until the “victorious end.”

Foreign Minister Miliukov immediately upon assuming his duties told the ambassadors of France, England, Italy and the United States that Russia would remain faithful to its allies and would continue the war until victory over Germany and its allies.

However, the nationwide movement could not help but restrain the bourgeoisie in its military policy. The bourgeois government fully understood that the slogans “Down with war!” and "Peace to the peoples!" were widely popular among the masses and could not be ignored.

“The Russian Revolution of February-March 1917,” wrote V.I. Lenin, “was the beginning of the transformation of the imperialist war into a civil war. This revolution took the first step towards ending the war.”

The Great Russian Revolution is the revolutionary events that occurred in Russia in 1917, starting with the overthrow of the monarchy during the February Revolution, when power passed to the Provisional Government, which was overthrown as a result of the October Revolution of the Bolsheviks, who proclaimed Soviet power.

February Revolution of 1917 - Main revolutionary events in Petrograd

Reason for revolution: Labor conflict at the Putilov plant between workers and owners; interruptions in the food supply to Petrograd.

Main events February Revolution took place in Petrograd. The army leadership, headed by the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General M.V. Alekseev, and the commanders of the fronts and fleets, considered that they did not have the means to suppress the riots and strikes that had engulfed Petrograd. Emperor Nicholas II abdicated the throne. After his intended successor, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich also abdicated the throne, the State Duma took control of the country, forming the Provisional Government of Russia.

With the formation of Soviets parallel to the Provisional Government, a period of dual power began. The Bolsheviks formed detachments of armed workers (Red Guard), thanks to attractive slogans they gained significant popularity, primarily in Petrograd, Moscow, in large industrial cities, the Baltic Fleet, and the troops of the Northern and Western Fronts.

	Demonstrations of women demanding bread and the return of men from the front.
	The beginning of a general political strike under the slogans: “Down with tsarism!”, “Down with autocracy!”, “Down with war!” (300 thousand people). Clashes between demonstrators and police and gendarmerie. The Tsar’s telegram to the commander of the Petrograd Military District demanding “tomorrow stop the unrest in the capital!”
	Arrests of leaders of socialist parties and workers' organizations (100 people). Shooting of workers' demonstrations. Proclamation of the Tsar's decree dissolving the State Duma for two months. The troops (4th company of the Pavlovsk regiment) opened fire on the police.
	Mutiny of the reserve battalion of the Volyn regiment, its transition to the side of the strikers. The beginning of a massive transfer of troops to the side of the revolution. Creation of the Provisional Committee of Members of the State Duma and the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet.
	Creation of a provisional government
	Abdication of Tsar Nicholas II from the throne

Results of the revolution and dual power

October Revolution of 1917 main events

During October revolution Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee, established by the Bolsheviks led by L.D. Trotsky and V.I. Lenin, overthrew the Provisional Government. At the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, the Bolsheviks withstood a difficult struggle with the Mensheviks and right-wing Socialist Revolutionaries, and the first Soviet government was formed. In December 1917, a government coalition of Bolsheviks and Left Socialist Revolutionaries was formed. In March 1918, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed with Germany.

By the summer of 1918, a one-party government was finally formed, and the active phase of the Civil War and foreign intervention in Russia began, which began with the uprising of the Czechoslovak Corps. The end of the Civil War created the conditions for the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).

	Main events of the October Revolution
	The provisional government suppressed peaceful demonstrations against the government, arrests, the Bolsheviks were outlawed, the death penalty was restored, the end of dual power.
	The 6th Congress of the RSDLP has passed - a course has been set for a socialist revolution.
	State meeting in Moscow, Kornilova L.G. they wanted to declare him a military dictator and simultaneously disperse all the Soviets. An active popular uprising disrupted the plans. Increasing the authority of the Bolsheviks.
	Kerensky A.F. declared Russia a republic.
	Lenin secretly returned to Petrograd.
	Meeting of the Bolshevik Central Committee, V.I. Lenin spoke. and emphasized that it is necessary to take power from 10 people - for, against - Kamenev and Zinoviev. The Political Bureau was elected, headed by Lenin.
	The Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council (headed by L.D. Trotsky) adopted the regulations on the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee (military revolutionary committee) - the legal headquarters for preparing the uprising. The All-Russian Revolutionary Center was created - a military revolutionary center (Ya.M. Sverdlov, F.E. Dzerzhinsky, A.S. Bubnov, M.S. Uritsky and I.V. Stalin).
	Kamenev in the newspaper " New life- with a protest against the uprising.
	Petrograd garrison on the side of the Soviets
	The Provisional Government gave the order to the cadets to seize the printing house of the Bolshevik newspaper “Rabochy Put” and arrest the members of the Military Revolutionary Committee who were in Smolny.
	Revolutionary troops occupied the Central Telegraph, Izmailovsky Station, controlled bridges, and blocked all cadet schools. The Military Revolutionary Committee sent a telegram to Kronstadt and Tsentrobalt about calling the ships of the Baltic Fleet. The order was carried out.
	October 25 - meeting of the Petrograd Soviet. Lenin gave a speech, uttering the famous words: “Comrades! The workers’ and peasants’ revolution, the need for which the Bolsheviks were always talking about, has come true.”
	The salvo of the cruiser Aurora became the signal for the storming of the Winter Palace, and the Provisional Government was arrested.
	2nd Congress of Soviets, at which Soviet power was proclaimed.

Provisional Government of Russia in 1917

Heads of the Russian government in 1905 - 1917.

Witte S.Yu.	Chairman of the Council of Ministers
Goremykin I.L.	Chairman of the Council of Ministers
Stolypin P.A.	Chairman of the Council of Ministers
Kokovtsev V.II.	Chairman of the Council of Ministers

Chapter I . Causes of the February Revolution of 1917.

1.1 Economic situation on the eve of February.

Attempts by a whole direction of Russian historiography (from the 20s and up to the 80s inclusive) led to the identification of contradictions accumulated by Russian society at the beginning of the 20th century. Without strictly connecting the pre-revolutionary and revolutionary periods, they make it possible to assess the degree of disintegration of society at which a revolution could take place.

To analyze the nature and significance of the causes of the revolution, they must be grouped. This will reveal not only the degree of tension in society, but also the scale of the upcoming transformations.

Economic prerequisites were determined by the need to overcome the country's dangerous lag behind advanced industrialized countries.

A sharp reduction in imports forced Russian industrialists to start producing domestic cars. According to data as of January 1, 1917, Russian factories produced more shells than French ones in August 1916 and twice as many as British ones. Russia produced 20 thousand light guns in 1916 and imported 5625.

Russia remained an agrarian-industrial country, where 70–75% of the population was employed in agriculture, which provided more than half of the national income. The development of industry led to the growth of cities, but the urban population accounted for less than 16% of the total population. Characteristic feature Russian industry was highly concentrated, primarily territorial. Three quarters of the factories were located in six regions: Central Industrial with a center in Moscow, Northwestern in St. Petersburg, Baltic, in part of Poland, between Warsaw and Lodz, in the south (Donbass) and in the Urals. Russian industry was distinguished by the highest technical and production concentration in the world: 54% of workers worked in enterprises with more than 500 employees, and these enterprises accounted for only 5% of the total number of plants and factories.

Foreign capital, encouraged by state policy, occupied important positions in the Russian economy. Main role Loans provided to the government played a role here: their total amount reached 6 billion rubles, which was half of the external public debt. Most of the loans were provided by France. But these loans did not affect the development of production. Foreign investment directly in industrial enterprises and banks had a greater influence; they constituted more than a third of the total share capital in the country. Addiction Russian economy from foreign countries was aggravated by the structure foreign trade: Exports consisted almost exclusively of agricultural products and raw materials, and imports of finished industrial products.

The concentration of production was accompanied by the concentration of capital. More than a third of all industrial capital was concentrated in the hands of approximately 4% of companies. The role of financial capital increased throughout the economy, including agriculture: seven St. Petersburg banks controlled half of the financial resources of the entire industry.

The revolution grew in the wake of a socio-economic crisis directly related to the war. The war sharply worsened financial position Russia. The costs of the war reached 30 billion rubles, which was three times higher than treasury revenues during this time. The war severed Russia's connection with the world market. The total public debt increased fourfold during this time and amounted to 34 billion rubles in 1917. Destruction railway transport exacerbated the problem of providing cities with raw materials, fuel, and food. For the same reason, industrial enterprises disrupted military orders. The country experienced a reduction in sown area, caused by the mobilization of more than 47% of the working-age male population into the army and the requisition of more than a third of peasant horses for military needs. Gross grain harvests in 1916-1917 amounted to 80% of pre-war levels. In 1916, the army consumed from 40 to 50% of the grain bread that usually went to market. The country was simultaneously experiencing a sugar famine (its production decreased from 126 to 82 million poods; cards and fixed prices were introduced), difficulties in the supply of meat (the main stock of livestock in the European part of Russia decreased by 5-7 million heads, meat prices increased by 200-220%).

Thus, we see that the Russian economy has undergone major changes since the beginning of the First World War. By 1917, the problems of capitalist modernization had not been solved. There were no conditions in the country for free development capitalism in agriculture and industry. The state continued to patronize entire sectors of industrial production, as a result of which the latter could not conduct independently economic activity in market conditions. Even the military industry, in its organization and methods, operated not on capitalist, but on semi-feudal and feudal grounds. Semi-serf production relations remained dominant in the countryside. The country's economic situation deteriorated sharply, which led to crises in the food and transport sectors.

1.2 Political situation on the eve of February.

By 1917, Russia maintained absolute monarchy in the absence of a constitutional system and truly effective political freedoms. The country has not formed a comprehensive social structure characteristic of developed bourgeois states. Because of this, immaturity remained political movement, political parties and public organizations. The nobility remained a privileged class, whose power was based on large landownership. The bourgeoisie, including the financial and monopoly bourgeoisie, did not have full political rights and were only allowed by tsarism to participate in the management of the state.

Convinced that the tsarist government would not cope with the task of bringing the war to a “victorious end,” the bourgeoisie, represented by its public organizations, set the goal of creating a government that would fulfill the historical tasks of the bourgeoisie. For this purpose, an agreement was worked out between the various factions. State Duma and the State Council on the formation of a parliamentary bloc.

In August 1915, the majority of Duma deputies - Cadets, Octobrists, other liberals, part of the right-wing Nationalist Party - united into the Progressive Bloc, led by the leader of the Cadets P.N. Miliukov. The bloc demanded to strengthen the principles of legality, reform the zemstvo and local administration, and most importantly, create a “ministry of public trust” (a government of figures close to liberal-bourgeois circles).

The tsar was convinced that only the monarchy enjoyed the trust of the people and could solve the great problems of the world war. Sensing an attack on his rights, Nicholas II began to appoint dignitaries of the security regiment to the government and remove ministers inclined to make concessions to the Duma. A “ministerial leapfrog” arose: in 1915-1916. four chairmen of the Council of Ministers, four military ministers, six interior ministers, and four justice ministers were replaced.

Trusting his immediate circle less and less, the tsar, who was at the front, began to entrust important state affairs to Empress Alexandra Feodorovna. Rasputin was gaining more and more influence at this time. Dark rumors spread in society about the German sympathies of the empress, a native German princess, that the government and command had completely fallen under the power of Rasputin and other “dark forces.” In November 1916, Miliukov spoke in the Duma with thunderous criticism of the government, ending it with rhetorical questions: “What is this - stupidity or treason?”

Liberal-bourgeois circles were deeply convinced that the tsarist circle and the bureaucracy, with their inept management, were pushing the country towards revolution. However, they themselves unwittingly brought this revolution closer by publicly criticizing the government. In an effort to “reason” with the authorities, public figures began to resort to extra-parliamentary, illegal methods: in December 1916, high-society conspirators led by the prominent right-wing figure V.M. Purishkevich killed Rasputin. At the same time, Guchkov and the generals close to him were developing a plan for a military coup: it was supposed to seize the Tsar’s train and force Nicholas II to sign an abdication in favor of Alexei’s heir during the regency, the Tsar’s brother Mikhail Alexandrovich. Meanwhile, behind the walls of the Duma and high society salons, a mass movement was growing. Strikes and unrest in the countryside occurred more and more often, there were cases of disobedience of troops, and the anti-war propaganda of the Bolsheviks attracted more and more supporters.

Thus, economic ruin and defeats at the front led to a deepening of the crisis of tsarism and a worsening of relations between the government and the State Duma. All this, along with the revolutionary movement, predetermined the isolation of the Russian emperor and completely deprived him of his socio-political support.

1.3 Social preconditions of the revolution.

The scale of the ripe and partly overripe problems was different, the goals and ideals of the struggle were seen as different, the methods and means of achieving them were sometimes used opposite. In general, the “bouquet” of contradictions raised the activity of the most diverse layers of the population, collectively giving birth to a huge tidal wave of social impatience. The war and its mobilization set the broad masses in motion. The political lack of rights of the masses also pushed them to anti-government protests.

With all the diversity of mature social and other conflicts, several stood out among them, creating special broad streams of social activity.

By all accounts, the main one for Russia remained the agrarian question, around the solution of which the agrarian-peasant revolution unfolded. She had her own characters", their specific social interests, political organizations (the land issue was considered in the program documents of most parties, but especially the populist, Socialist Revolutionary movement), ideology and ideals (enshrined in peasant orders). The intensity of peasant uprisings ultimately determined the temperature of opposition sentiment in the country.

With the industrialization of the country, the organizational and ideological unity of workers who relied on the poorest strata, hired workers in the countryside, the proletarian-poor stream took shape as a relatively independent stream.

Just as quickly, a full-flowing national liberation movement, fueled by the struggle of numerous ethnic groups for their political, economic, religious, and cultural rights, found its way.

During the war, an anti-war movement was formed, in which representatives of different segments of the population participated.

The most active, offensive, massive, organized (to the extent that this was possible in the conditions of autocracy, reaction after the suppression of the first revolution), absorbing the “juices” of parallel opposition and revolutionary movements, was social movement, united under the flag of democratization, change political regime, establishing constitutional order. It was the most advanced in terms of the degree of real gains (the beginnings of a constitution and parliamentarism, the strengthening of zemstvos and city dumas), theoretical justification, and the presence of national leaders (represented mainly in the First - Fourth Dumas).

The economic and political crisis further increased the social discontent of the lower classes. Real wage during the war years (taking into account rising prices) it was 80-85% of the pre-war level. The working day was ten hours. Beginning in 1915, the growth of the strike labor movement in cities and industrial centers became noticeable: in 1915 - 0.6 million people, in 1916 - 1.2 million. The main form of class struggle in these years was economic strikes. There was an increase in desertion and fraternization in the army. By 1917, the peasantry entered into the struggle to transform all types of land ownership. The number of peasant uprisings (in 280 counties) in 1915 was 177, in 1916 – 290.

So the combination different types movements created the possibility of a one-time activation, a one-time surge of accumulated social activity.

Unresolved social contradictions, defeats already in the second war and a decade of functioning in Russia of the institution of legal political opposition, with its inherent instruments of influence on the masses - the press, the Duma department - have done their job. The current situation explains both the reason for the revolution that began in February 1917 and the specific circumstances that led to the explosion of popular discontent. It also leads to an understanding of more common problem- the degree to which society was “overheated” by social discontent, at which only a pretext was needed to start a revolutionary collapse.

Chapter II . Events of the February Revolution of 1917.

2.1 The beginning and course of the revolution.

All questions remaining after 1905-1907. unresolved - the agrarian, labor, national, question of power - came to the surface during the years of severe political and military crisis and led to the second revolution in Russia, which, like the first, had a bourgeois-democratic character. It solved the problems of overthrowing the autocracy, opened the way for the development of capitalism in agriculture and industry, the introduction of a constitutional system, ensuring political freedoms of citizens, and the destruction of national oppression.

The February-March revolution was fleeting in pace, extremely broad in the composition of participants in the revolutionary uprising, spontaneous, chaotic in the volume of priority tasks being solved, metropolitan in the nature of the transformations (change of central government).

The revolution that began from its first acts was characterized by an important feature, which was the absence of organized, cohesive resistance. None social group, not a single region of the country acted openly under the banner of counter-revolution. Supporters of the overthrown regime went into the shadows, no longer playing a significant role in the future. political struggle. This initial ease of victory expanded the boundaries of possible transformations to the limit.

By the second half of February 1917, the capital's food supply had deteriorated significantly. “Tails” stretched along the streets of Petrograd (as St. Petersburg began to be called in 1914) - queues for bread. The situation in the city was heating up. On February 18, the largest Putilov plant went on strike; other businesses supported him. On February 23 (new style - March 8), the Bolsheviks organized strikes and rallies in honor of the International women's day. The Bolsheviks and representatives of other revolutionary democratic parties and groups explained the reasons for unemployment and food difficulties by the indifference of the authorities to the needs of the people and called for a fight against tsarism. The call was taken up - strikes and demonstrations unfolded with unstoppable force. On February 23, 128 thousand workers and workers of Petrograd took to the streets. An uprising broke out, marking the beginning of the February Revolution of 1917.

On February 24, the scale of strikes and walkouts in the capital began to grow rapidly. On this day, 214 thousand workers went on strike. Clashes began with the police and the units of the reserve regiments stationed in Petrograd that supported them. On February 25, the movement grew into a general strike under the slogans: “Bread, peace, freedom!” 305 thousand workers took part in it. On this day, for the first time, partial fraternization of troops with the rebel people and the transition of individual military units to their side took place.

The authorities assessed everything that happened as ordinary riots and did not show any particular alarm. But on February 26 they came to their senses and moved on to more active actions: In several areas of the city, police and troops shot at demonstrators. Members of the Petrograd Bolshevik Committee were arrested. But the shootings of demonstrators further inflamed the situation.

On February 27, a decisive turning point came in the course of events: the soldiers of the reserve battalions of the guards regiments stationed in Petrograd, among whom there were many recruits, as well as wounded soldiers returning from the front, began en masse to go over to the side of the revolutionary workers. The strike developed into an armed uprising. And by the end of the day on February 27 and especially on February 28, the uprising of workers and soldiers in Petrograd acquired a general character. 385 thousand strikers, uniting with soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, captured the Arsenal and the Main Artillery Directorate. Armed, the rebels freed prisoners from prisons, taking possession of virtually the entire city. On March 1, the remnants of troops loyal to the government laid down their arms.

Thus, the revolutionary events in Petrograd in February 1917 occurred due to the extremely difficult economic situation in the country caused by the war and the reluctance to take urgent measures to stabilize the situation. A protracted government crisis, the collapse of central and local government at a time of colossal tension, and at the same time the stubborn reluctance of the autocracy and the state apparatus to share the government of the country with the moderate forces of Russian society - such was the situation in the country by the end of February 1917.

The victory of the February Uprising brought radical changes to the socio-political situation in the country. Its main result was that “the development of revolutionary sentiment among the proletariat took such forms that it was no longer possible to fight them without the support of armed force, which, unsettled, refused to obey the State Duma and the Provisional Government.”

Chapter III . Changes in the social and state system after the February Revolution of 1917.

3.1 Fall of the House of Romanov.

The victorious uprising in the capital upset the calculations of the leaders of the liberal community. They did not at all seek to destroy the monarchy, realizing that the fall of traditional statehood would undermine order and cause popular riots. The leaders of the Duma wanted to limit themselves to the introduction of a “responsible ministry” (i.e., a government appointed by the Duma), but the mood of the masses clearly showed that such a measure was no longer sufficient.

The question arose about the abdication of Nicholas II; All front commanders spoke out for this. On the night of March 2-3, the tsar signed a manifesto of abdication for himself and Alexei in favor of Mikhail Alexandrovich, explaining that he did not want to endanger his son. This violated the law of succession to the throne, according to which each member of the royal family could abdicate only for himself, and it became possible in the future to declare such abdication invalid. But this act was too late: Michael did not dare to become emperor, declaring that the question of power should be decided constituent Assembly.

With the abdication of Nicholas II, the legal system that emerged in Russia in April 1906 ceased to exist. No other legal system has been created to regulate the activities of the state and its relationship with society.

The fall of the autocracy exposed the depth of socio-political contradictions in the country. Main negative results the overthrow of the autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered:

1. The transition from the evolutionary development of society to development along a revolutionary path, which inevitably led to an increase in the number of violent crimes against the individual and attacks on property rights in society.

2. Significant weakening of the army (as a result of revolutionary agitation in the army and “Order No. 1”), a drop in its combat effectiveness and, as a consequence, its ineffective further struggle on the fronts of the First World War.

3. Destabilization of society, which led to a deep split in the existing civil society in Russia. As a result, there was a sharp increase in class contradictions in society, the growth of which during 1917 led to the transfer of power into the hands of radical forces, which ultimately served as the beginning of the Civil War in Russia.

Main positive result overthrow of the autocracy The February Revolution in Russia can be considered a short-term consolidation of society due to the adoption of a number of democratic legislative acts and a real chance for society, on the basis of this consolidation, to resolve many long-standing contradictions in the country's social development. However, as subsequent events showed, the country's leaders who came to power as a result of the February Revolution were unable to take advantage of these real chances.

Thus, the announcement of two abdications at once meant the final victory of the revolution - as unexpected as its beginning. The monarchy in Russia fell, and its last representatives died a year later: Nikolai and his family were taken to Siberia and shot in Yekaterinburg on July 17, 1918, while Mikhail, exiled to Perm, was killed by local workers.

3.2 The formation of dual power.

From the very first steps of the revolution, a deep split emerged between the forces opposing the old government. The interests of the “qualified public”, which elected the majority of Duma deputies, were represented by Temporary Committee of the State Duma, created on February 27 under the leadership of Duma Chairman M.V. Rodzianko. On the same day, side by side with the Committee (in the neighboring halls of the Tauride Palace, the residence of the Duma), Petrograd Soviet- a body that reflected the interests of the masses. At first, the contradictions between the two centers of power were smoothed out: the majority in the Council were the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, and they stood for cooperation with liberal-bourgeois circles.

On March 2, in agreement with the Petrograd Soviet, the Temporary Committee of the State Duma created government, called Temporary, because should have existed before the convening of the Constituent Assembly. At this meeting of representatives from all regions of Russia, it was intended to resolve the most important issues of the country's socio-political structure, including the question of the form of government.

The declaration of the Provisional Government, published on March 3, contained a program of priority reforms. It declared amnesty for political prisoners, proclaimed freedom of speech, press and assembly, and abolished national and religious restrictions. The Declaration spoke about the upcoming convening of the Constituent Assembly and elections to the bodies local government, failure to send troops of the revolutionary Petrograd garrison to the front and providing soldiers civil rights, about replacing the police with the people's militia. The implementation of this program moved the country far along the path of constitutionalism and democracy.

Simultaneously with the system of public administration created by the Provisional Government both in the center and locally, Councils at various levels became widespread throughout Russia. Among them, the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies predominated. IN rural areas Soon Soviets of Peasant Deputies began to be formed.

In the February days, the Soviets actually took power. They were able to launch factories and transport, organize the publication of newspapers, fight banditry and profiteering, and establish order in the city. Already in March 1917, the number of local Soviets increased to 600. The executive committees of local Soviets were subordinate to the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet.

However, formally and legally, state power was in the hands of the Provisional Government. It was in charge of appointments, issued decrees and proclamations, which acquired the force of law with the support of the Council. Otherwise, the government would lose its footing. The Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Petrograd Soviet sought to prevent this and provide the government with full support.

Overall, this created a unique situation in the country. dual power The Provisional Government, on the one hand, and the Soviets, on the other, which lasted from early March to early July 1917.

The main task of the Provisional Government was to prepare for the Constituent Assembly, designed to determine the form government structure new Russia, and accordingly all his activities were built on the principles of “deferred decisions”. In an environment of dual power, this created a significant threat to the development of Russian statehood after the collapse of the monarchy.

The main issue that required an immediate solution was the problem of continuing the bloody war. Government G.E. Lvov, declaring Russia’s loyalty to its allied duty and its further participation in the war on the side of the Entente (Miliukov’s note dated April 18, 1917), caused a powerful wave of indignation.

The political situation in the country was destabilized. Left forces, primarily representatives of revolutionary democracy within the Soviets, demanded from the government immediate reforms and peace “without annexations and indemnities.” Shortly before this, on April 3, Bolshevik leader V.I. returned to Petrograd from emigration. Lenin. He put forward the slogan about the development of the “bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one.” Under his leadership, the Bolsheviks pushed the Soviets to take power into their own hands and create a truly revolutionary democratic government.

The April crisis forced P.N. to resign. Milyukova and A.I. Guchkov, revealing the weakness of the socio-political base of the Provisional Government, and led to the formation of its first coalition composition on May 5, 1917. The new government included 6 socialists, including the leader of the Socialist Revolutionaries V.M. Chernov, Menshevik leader I.G. Tsereteli. Kerensky took the post of Minister of War and Navy. However, despite this, it was not possible to stabilize the situation. The unresolved labor and agrarian issues in the country, as well as the exacerbation of national separatism on the outskirts of the former empire, seriously weakened the position of the cabinet, which was still headed by G.E. Lviv. The first coalition government lasted about two months (until July 2). In June, it experienced a political crisis, which was associated with a strike by workers at 29 factories in Petrograd.

The Bolsheviks, with their simple, accessible slogans, noticeably increased their influence among the masses. At the First Congress of Soviets in June 1917, Lenin openly declared that his party was ready to immediately take complete power. This was reinforced by powerful demonstrations in support of the Soviets, where by that time the Bolsheviks were gradually beginning to dominate.

As a result, in the summer of 1917, Russia was faced with a choice: either the Constituent Assembly, the preparations for which were led by the Provisional Government, or the Soviets. The July crisis erupted on July 2 when the Cadets left the government in protest against concessions to the Ukrainian “separatists.” It became extremely acute on July 3-4, when an armed demonstration of many thousands of soldiers, sailors, and workers took place in the capital with the aim of putting pressure on the All-Russian Central Executive Committee to create a Soviet government. However, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee declared the demonstration a “Bolshevik conspiracy” and rejected the demands of the masses. The Commander-in-Chief of the Petrograd Military District ordered the cadets and Cossacks to disperse the demonstrators. For the same purpose with Northern Front troops numbering 15-16 thousand people arrived. The commander of the Baltic Fleet was ordered to send warships to the capital, but he did not obey the order. Members of counter-revolutionary organizations fired at the demonstrators. 56 people were killed and 650 wounded. Petrograd was declared under martial law. The arrests of Bolsheviks, the disarmament of workers, and the disbandment of “rebellious” military units began. On July 6, Kerensky ordered the arrest of V.I. Lenin, who managed to escape. He was accused of both organizing an “armed rebellion” and espionage for Germany. At the same time, the leaders of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee recognized the Provisional Government as having “unlimited powers and unlimited power.”

Thus, the dual power ended with the defeat of the Soviets. It amounted to main feature February bourgeois-democratic revolution.

The abdication of Nicholas II from the throne created a vacuum of political power into which many political parties and movements poured. The struggle for power became one of the main features of the political development of Russia in 1917.

At the same time, the rapid collapse of the old political system and the inability of new political forces to establish effective public administration predetermined the collapse of a single centralized state. These two trends were leading in the political development of the country in 1917.

3.3 Changes in the activities of political parties.

The rivalry between the Provisional Government and the Soviets reflected the struggle between the main political parties: the Cadets, the Mensheviks, the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Bolsheviks.

Mensheviks viewed the February revolution as a nationwide, nationwide, class-wide revolution. Therefore, their main political line in the development of events after February was the creation of a government based on a coalition of forces not interested in the restoration of the monarchy.

The views on the nature and tasks of the revolution were similar right socialist revolutionaries(A.F. Kerensky, N.D. Avksentyev), as well as from the leader of the party, who occupied centrist positions, V. Chernov. February, in their opinion, is the apogee of the revolutionary process and liberation movement in Russia. They saw the essence of the revolution in Russia in achieving civil harmony, reconciliation of all layers of society and, first of all, reconciliation of supporters of war and revolution in order to implement a program of social reforms.

The position was different left socialist revolutionaries, its leader M.A. Spiridonova, who believed that the popular, democratic February in Russia marked the beginning of the political and social world revolution.

This position was close to the most radical party in Russia in 1917 - Bolsheviks. Recognizing the bourgeois-democratic character of the February revolution, they saw the enormous revolutionary potential of the masses, the enormous opportunities arising from the hegemony of the proletariat in the revolution. Therefore, they considered February 1917 as the first stage of the struggle and set the task of preparing the masses for socialist revolution. This position, formulated by V.I. Lenin, was not shared by all Bolsheviks, but after the VII (April) Conference of the Bolshevik Party, it became the general direction of its activities. The task was to attract the masses to their side through the deployment of agitation and propaganda. In the period from April to July 1917, the Bolsheviks considered it possible to carry out a peaceful socialist revolution, but the political situation in the country that changed in July reoriented their tactics: they set a course for an armed uprising.

In this regard, L.D.’s point of view on the February revolution is also interesting. Trotsky - a prominent political figure in revolutionary Russia. He viewed the February revolution as an episode on the road to the dictatorship of the proletariat.

So, the political positions of individual parties in February 1917 looked ambiguous. The most moderate ones - the Cadets, Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries - occupied centrist positions in their theoretical views, and in politics they were inclined to compromise with the Cadets. The left radical flank was occupied by the Socialist Revolutionaries, Bolsheviks, Trotsky and his supporters.

Conclusion

The second bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russian history ended in victory. Starting in Petrograd, by March 1 the revolution won in Moscow, and then it was supported throughout the country. After the victory of the February Revolution, Russia became one of the most democratic countries Europe. However, the most important political question of power did not receive a complete solution during the revolution. The formation of dual power did not consolidate, but even more split Russian society. All this, along with the delay in solving the main problems of bourgeois-democratic transformations, led to a deepening of the revolutionary process in the post-February period.

February 1917 drew a line under the history of the Romanov dynasty. After the collapse of the monarchy, for all political classes, parties and their political leaders for the first time in Russian history the opportunity to come to power opened up. To a certain extent February Revolution 1917 opened a state of civil war in Russia, not in a military sense, but in a socio-political sense, i.e. fight for political power between parties and classes.

So, was the Bolshevik Revolution and Civil War inevitable? February gave the peoples of Russia a chance for peaceful development along the path of reform, but for many reasons: the reluctance and inability of the Provisional Government and the classes behind it to solve the problems of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, the refusal of the Petrograd Soviet and the parties that made up the majority in it to actually take state power and finally, the absence of any traditions of political democracy in all strata of society and the obsessive belief in violence as the path to solving all problems - this chance remained unrealized.