The list mentioned in the title.
Transcaucasian Commissariat (Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan) - 1917-1918, government in Transcaucasia, initiator of the convocation of the Transcaucasian Sejm.
Transcaucasian Seim - 1918, organ state power in Transcaucasia, convened by the Transcaucasian Commissariat in Tbilisi. Consisted of deputies elected from Transcaucasia to the Constituent Assembly, and representatives of political parties in Transcaucasia. In 1918 he authorized the separation of Transcaucasia from Soviet Russia, then proclaimed the creation of an independent Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic (ZDFR). On May 26 (June 8), 1918 he announced self-dissolution.
Bessarabia (Republic of Moldova, PMR, Odessa region of Ukraine) - annexed by Romania 1918
Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic (ZDFR) - 1918, a state entity in Transcaucasia, created by a number of nationalist parties. It was proclaimed by the Transcaucasian Seimas on April 9 (22), 1918. As a result of disagreements between the national councils of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, on May 26 (June 8), 1918, it split into three states: on May 26 (June 8), 1918, the Georgian Democratic Republic was formed, on May 27 (June 9), 1918 - the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic , May 28 (June 10), 1918 - Republic of Armenia.
Dictatorship of the Central Caspian (Azerbaijan) - 1918, British-backed government consisting of Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and Armenian nationalists (Dashnaks). It operated in Baku from the fall of the Baku Council of People's Commissars on September 26, 1918 until the capture of Baku by ADR troops on August 14, 1918.
Kars, Batumi, Ardagan - 1918, ceded to Turkey under the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (now Turkey, Georgia)
Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, part of Belarus - 1918, separated by the Brest-Litovsk Treaty (now the territory of Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus)
Arkhangelsk Karelia (North Karelian state) - 1919-1920, separatist state, liquidated
Republic of Northern Ingria - 1918-1920, separatist state; in 1920 it was divided between the USSR and Estonia, from 1927 - into Leningrad region(now the city of St. Petersburg, Volosovsky, Vsevolozhsky, Gatchinsky, Kingiseppsky, Lomonosovsky, Tosnensky districts of the Leningrad region, west Kirovsky district to the Lava River)
Belarusian People's Republic - 1918-1919, separatist state; ceased to exist after the denunciation of the Brest Peace Treaty, in 1921 it was divided between the USSR and Poland (now the territories of Belarus, Russia, Lithuania)
Ukrainian People's Republic (Ukrainian state) - 1918-1920, separatist state; in 1920 divided between the USSR and Poland
Western Ukrainian People's Republic - 1918-1919, a self-proclaimed independent state in eastern Galicia with its capital first in Lviv, then in Stanislaviv (present-day Ivano-Frankivsk). Occupied and divided between Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania.
Lemko-Rusyn Republic (Russian People's Republic of Lemkov) - 1918-1919, founded in 1918, after the liquidation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. It was supposed to unite with democratic Russia. Since unification did not work out, the republic is part of Czechoslovakia as an autonomous province.
Comanchan Republic - 1918-1919, a kind of peasant-priestly quasi-state formation that united almost 30 villages under the slogan of the Ukrainian national and state idea; announced its accession to the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, was liquidated by Poland 3 months after its formation.
Republic of the Hutsuls - 1918-1919, formally proclaimed republic in the eastern Carpathians. Occupied by Romania.
Kuban People's Republic - 1918-1920, separatist state; abolished
Moldavian Democratic Republic - 1917-1918, separatist state, voluntary accession to Romania
All-Great Don Army (Don Republic) - 1918-1920, separatist state; abolished (now Rostov, Volgograd regions of Russia, Lugansk region of Ukraine)
Georgian Democratic Republic - 1918-1921, separatist state; liquidated
Azerbaijan Democratic Republic - 1918-1920, separatist state, liquidated
Republic of Armenia (First Republic) - 1918-1920, separatist state, abolished by agreement between the RSFSR and the Republic of Armenia, the Karsky region, occupied by the troops of the Republic of Armenia, was transferred to Turkey in 1921 by treaty (now Armenia, Turkey)
Arak Republic - 1918-1920, separatist state, liquidated by RA troops, in 1920 the Nakhichevan Soviet Republic was formed
Idel-Ural State (Ural-Volga State) - 1918, separatist state, liquidated by decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR (now the territories of Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, Kirov, Nizhny Novgorod, Orenburg, Samara, Ulyanovsk, Astrakhan regions, Perm Territory, Mari Republic, Chuvash Republic)
Little Bashkiria - 1918-1920, national-territorial autonomy, then transformed into the Autonomous Bashkir Soviet Republic (now the territories of Sverdlovsk, Chelyabinsk, Kurgan, Orenburg, Samara regions, Perm Territory, Bashkortostan)
Mountain Republic - 1917-1920, separatist state, in 1918 - Republic of the Union of Mountain People of the North Caucasus, in 1919 - North Caucasus Emirate, liquidated (now the Chechen Republic, the Republic of Ingushetia, North Ossetia-Alania, Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, Karachay-Cherkess Republic)
Alash-Orda (Alash Autonomy) - 1917-1919, separatist state, liquidated by the Kyrgyz Revolutionary Committee (now the Altai Territory, Omsk, Astrakhan regions of Russia, West Kazakhstan, Kustanai, Akmola, East Kazakhstan, Almaty regions of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan)
Bukhara Emirate - 1917-1920, separatist state; in 1920 - the creation of the puppet BNSR, the fight against the Basmachi (now Uzbekistan, Tajikistan)
Khorezm (Khanate of Khiva) - 1917-1920, separatist state; in 1920 it became part of the USSR as the KhNSR (now Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan)
Provisional Government of Autonomous Turkestan - 1917-1918, separatist state, liquidated (now Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan)
Committee of Members of the Constituent Assembly (Komuch) - 1918, alternative government of Russia (Volga region, Southern Urals)
Provisional regional government of the Urals - 1918, ceased to exist (Ekaterinburg)
Finland - 1917, independence granted
Ukrainian Republic of the Far East (Green Wedge, Green Ukraine) - 1917-1922, occupied the Far Eastern territories of compact residence of Ukrainians. In 1917, the All-Ukrainian Congress was convened, which formed the Far Eastern Regional Rada; in 1918, the Second All-Ukrainian Congress in Khabarovsk proclaimed the Green Wedge a part of Ukraine. The Third Congress (1918) proclaimed an independent Far Eastern Ukrainian state; in 1920, the united Far Eastern autonomy of the Cossacks, Buryats and Ukrainians was declared. In 1922, autonomy became part of the Far Eastern Republic.
Provisional Siberian Government - 1918, transformed into the Provisional Government of Autonomous Siberia, transferred power to the Ufa Directory (Omsk)
The Provisional All-Russian Government (“Directory”, “Ufa Directory”) - 1918, the highest body of state power formed in Ufa as a result of the reorganization of Komuch, transferred power to A.V. Kolchak, who, in turn, transferred the powers of the Supreme All-Russian Power to A.I. Denikin (Ufa, Omsk) in 1920
Russian Eastern outskirts - 1918-1919, after his election in the military circle as marching ataman of the Transbaikal Cossack army, Colonel G. M. Semenov, who did not recognize the authority of the Supreme Ruler Admiral A. V. Kolchak at that time, tried to unite the leadership of all Cossack troops in his hands Far East.
Government of the North-Western Region of Russia - 1919, autonomous entity in the city. Revel, Pskov, Narva, liquidated (now Tallinn, Narva - Estonia, Pskov, Russia)
Northern region - 1918-1920, autonomous entity in the north of the European part of Russia, liquidated (now Arkhangelsk, Murmansk regions)
Political Center, Political Center - 1919-1920, Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik organization created during the Kolchak period. After the Kolchak government fled to Irkutsk, she prepared a coup under the flag of the Constituent Assembly. Dissolved in 1920 (Irkutsk)
Free Territory (Ukrainian Free Territory) - 1919-1921, territory controlled by Nestor Makhno
Outer Mongolia - 1920-1921, territory of Mongolia under the dictatorship of Ungern (now the Republic of Mongolia)
Far Eastern Republic - 1920-1922, temporary state formation, voluntary entry (now Irkutsk region, Baikal region, Far East)
Pechenga region (Petsamo), the western part of the Rybachy Peninsula, from Vaida Bay to Motovsky Bay, and most of the Sredny Peninsula, along a line passing through the middle of its both isthmuses, Kiy Island and Ainovskie Islands - 1920, went to Finland according to the Tartu Treaty (now Pechenga district of the Murmansk region, Priozersky, Vyborg and Vsevolozhsk districts of the Leningrad region)
Rebolskaya and Porosozerskaya volosts - 1920 Eastern Karelia, occupied by Finnish troops; returned to the Karelian Labor Commune (later the Karelian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic) under the Treaty of Tartu (now the Republic of Karelia)
Estonia - 1920, independence granted
The right bank of the Narva River and the Pechora region - 1920, passed to Estonia under the Treaty of Tartu (now the city of Ivangorod, Leningrad region; Pechora district, Pskov region)
Latvia - 1920, independence granted
Pytalovo, part of the Vitebsk province - 1920, passed to Latvia under the Treaty of Riga (now the Pskov region of Russia, Vitebsk region of Belarus)
Lithuania - 1920, independence granted
Western Ukraine, Western Belarus - 1921, transferred to Poland under the Treaty of Riga
The Amur Zemsky Territory (the provisional government of the Amur region) - 1921-1922, arose as a result of a military coup organized in Vladivostok by the remnants of Kappel’s army and led by the Merkulov brothers. Later, Khabarovsk and Spassk entered the resulting enclave. In 1922, the Merkulov brothers were removed from power by Diterichs, then the territory (with the exception of the Ayano-Maisky region) was occupied by troops of the Far Eastern Republic.
Temporary Yakut regional people's government - 1922-1923, at the time of the creation of the Soviet Union, the region that included Ayan, Okhotsk and Nelkan remained the only territory of Russia that was held by the whites (now the Ayano-Maysky district of the Khabarovsk Territory)
Pro-Soviet and Soviet territorial entities.
The Finnish Socialist Workers' Republic existed only as a term that was used in the agreement between the Council of People's Commissars of the Russian Federation and the People's Council of Finland on February 16, 1918.
The Karelian Labor Commune is an autonomous regional association within the RSFSR, formed by a decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of June 8, 1920 from the Karelian-populated areas of the Olonets and Arkhangelsk provinces, by a decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of July 25, 1923, the Karelian Labor Commune was transformed into the Karelian Soviet Republic.
The Estonian Labor Commune, ETC, was a Soviet republic proclaimed on November 29, 1918 in Narva and existed until January 18, 1919 on the territory of modern Estonia. In February 1919, units of the Commune and the 7th Army of the Red Army were driven out of Estonia. On June 5, 1919, the Council of the Commune announced the self-dissolution and liquidation of the Estonian Labor Commune.
Soviet Republic of Sailors and Builders (also Soviet Republic of Naissaar) - a Soviet republic on the island of Naissaar, which existed from December 1917 to February 1918. Of 80-90 revolutionary sailors and about two hundred indigenous islanders, a local Council was organized, which coordinated the self-government of the commune , assigned taxes, etc. Soviet power on the island lasted until the occupation of Tallinn by the troops of the Kaiser's Germany on February 26, 1918. Representatives of independent Estonia who arrived on the island on November 14, 1918 found 50 German soldiers there, organizing a prison in which 300 people were kept, including political prisoners who did not want to be evacuated from the island.
The Republic of Iskolata is the conventional name of the Latvian Soviet state formation in a country not occupied by German troops. On December 24, 1917, in the Latvian city of Valka, the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers', Soldiers' and Landless Deputies of Latvia (Iskolat) adopted a declaration of self-determination for Latvia. Soviet Latvia (the so-called Republic of Iskolata) was formed, whose power extended to areas of Latvia not occupied by German troops. It ceased to exist after the complete occupation of Latvia.
The Latvian Socialist Soviet Republic, often the Socialist Soviet Republic of Latvia (SSRL) is a state entity that existed on the territory of modern Latvia in 1918-1920. In January 1920, with the support of Polish troops who launched an offensive from western Belarus, the army of the independent Republic of Latvia took the cities of Daugavpils and Rezekne and the SSRL ceased to exist.
Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic - a short-term Soviet state formation on the territory of Lithuania during the Soviet-Polish War (1919-1921). Formed on December 16, 1918 by the provisional revolutionary government, on February 27, 1919, the LSSR united with the SSRB into the Lithuanian-Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (Litbel).
Lithuanian-Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic, Litbel (Soviet Socialist Republic of Lithuania and Belarus) - a Soviet republic, a state entity created in the territories of modern Belarus and Lithuania occupied by the Red Army, which existed from February to August 1919. It ceased to exist after the occupation of Belarus by Poland.
Soviet Socialist Republic of Belarus, abbr. SSRB is a state entity that existed on part of the territory of modern Belarus from January 1 to February 27, 1919; from January 31, 1919, the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus was officially called, and a variant of the name Belarusian Socialist Soviet Republic was also used.
The Provisional Revolutionary Committee of Poland or Polrevkom (July 30, 1920 - August 20, 1920) was a political body that exercised government functions in the Bolshevik-controlled part of Poland. It was proclaimed in Bialystok during the Soviet-Polish War. He declared his course to be the creation of the foundation of the Polish Soviet Republic. Liquidated after the Bolsheviks left Poland.
Ukrainian People's Republic of Soviets (official name - Ukrainian People's Republic) is a Soviet republic that existed on the territory of Ukraine from December 1917 to March 1918. Was in federal relations with the RSFSR.
On March 7-19, 1918, the UPR of the Soviets united with other territorial formations of the Bolsheviks into the Ukrainian Soviet Republic as part of the RSFSR.
The Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Republic (DKR, much less commonly DKSR) is a Soviet republic organized on the territory of the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog basin. Proclaimed in February 1918 at the fourth regional congress of Soviets of workers' deputies of the Donetsk and Krivoy Rog basins in Kharkov. The creation of the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Soviet Republic was opposed to the Ukrainian People's Republic, which was perceived by the creators of the DKR as bourgeois. The creation was based not on national, but economic basis. On February 17, 1919, a resolution was adopted by the Defense Council of the RSFSR on the liquidation of the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Republic.
Odessa Soviet Republic, OSR (January 18-March 13, 1918) - a state entity that existed on part of the territory of the Kherson and Bessarabian provinces with its center in the city of Odessa. The OSR ceased to exist due to the occupation of Odessa by Austro-German troops. The Soviet government was evacuated to Sevastopol on the ships "Sinop", "Rostislav", "Almaz" along with archives, valuables and military property.
Rumcherod (Council of Soldiers' Deputies from the Romanian Front, the Black Sea Fleet and Odessa) - the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of the Romanian Front, the Black Sea Fleet and the Odessa region, which at that time included Kherson, Bessarabian, Tauride, part of the Podolsk and Volyn provinces.
In March 1918, after the start of the Austro-German intervention, Rumcherod was evacuated to Nikolaev, then to Rostov-on-Don and in April to Yeisk. In May 1918, Rumcherod's activities were discontinued.
Soviet Socialist Republic of Taurida (Taurid Soviet Socialist Republic) is a Soviet republic that existed in Crimea from March 19 to April 30, 1918. Was part of the RSFSR. Liquidated as a result of occupation by German troops.
The Ukrainian Soviet Republic is a state entity that existed on the territory of modern Ukraine in March - April 1918, which was part of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic. Liquidated as a result of occupation by German troops.
The Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic is a state entity on the territory of Crimea, formed from part of the former Tauride province of the Russian Empire, which occupied the area of the Crimean peninsula. Existed in 1921-1945. as part of the RSFSR and in 1991-1992. as part of the Ukrainian SSR (Ukraine).
The Bessarabian Soviet Socialist Republic (Bessarabian SSR) is a Soviet republic, the capital is Odessa, founded in May 1919 as an autonomous part of the RSFSR. The Republic ceased to exist in September 1919 as a result of the occupation.
The Don Soviet Republic is a territorial formation during the Civil War with a center in Rostov-on-Don, which actually existed in the period from March 23 to May 4, 1918, nominally until September 30, 1918 on the territory approximately coinciding with the current Rostov region. On September 30, 1918, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee decided to consider the Don Soviet Republic abolished.
The Kuban Soviet Republic, as part of the RSFSR, on the territory of the Kuban region, existed from April 13 to May 30, 1918. Later it became part of the Kuban-Black Sea Soviet Republic.
The Black Sea Soviet Republic, as part of the RSFSR, on the territory of the Black Sea province, existed in March-May 1918. Later it became part of the Kuban-Black Sea Soviet Republic.
The Kuban-Black Sea Soviet Republic, as part of the RSFSR, existed from May 30 to July 6, 1918. It was created as a result of the unification of the Kuban and Black Sea Soviet republics. Later it became part of the North Caucasus Soviet Republic.
The Stavropol Soviet Republic is a republic that arose on January 1, 1918 on the territory of the former Stavropol province of the Russian Empire after the declaration of Soviet power there. On January 8, 1918 it became part of Soviet Russia. On July 5-7, 1918, it became part of the North Caucasus Soviet Republic of the RSFSR.
Terek Soviet Republic - as part of the RSFSR, on the territory of the former Terek region of the Russian Empire, March 1918 - February 1919. Since July 1918 - as part of the North Caucasus Soviet Republic.
The North Caucasus Soviet Republic is a republic within the RSFSR from July 7 to December 1918. United the Kuban-Black Sea, Stavropol and Terek Soviet republics. With the capture of a significant part of the republic by the end of 1918 by the White Guards, the North Caucasus Soviet Republic ceased to exist.
Mountain Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (GASSR) is a republic within the RSFSR (January 1921-November 1924) on the territory of the former Terek and part of the former Kuban regions of the Russian Empire. By decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of July 7, 1924, the GASSR was abolished, on its territory the North Ossetian, Chechen and Ingush Autonomous Okrug, the Sunzhensky Cossack District (with the rights of the provincial executive committee), and the city of Vladikavkaz were created as an independent unit, directly subordinate to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the RSFSR.
Amur Labor Socialist Republic - April-September 1918. Liquidated as a result of the Japanese occupation.
The Tatar-Bashkir Soviet Republic is a project of national autonomy for the Tatars and Bashkirs of the Volga region, which was supposed to be implemented in accordance with the decision of the People's Commissariat of the RSFSR dated March 22, 1918. The project remained unimplemented due to the Civil War, as well as due to the emergence of a separate Bashkir Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (Bashkir ASSR).
Autonomous Bashkir Soviet Republic - On March 20, 1919, an Agreement between the central Soviet government and the Bashkir government on Soviet Autonomous Bashkiria was concluded. In accordance with the Agreement, the Autonomous Bashkir Soviet Republic (ABSR) was formed. It included 17 volosts of the Orenburg district, 28 Orsky district, 12 Upper Ural district, 6 Trinity district, 9 Chelyabinsk district, 1 Buzuluk district of the Orenburg province, 8 Shadrinsky district, 4 Yekaterinburg district, 6 volosts and 5 separate villages from 3 volosts Krasnoufimsky district of the Perm province, 14 volosts of the Zlatoust district, 4 volosts and Bashkir villages, 2 volosts of the Ufa district, 29 volosts of the Sterlitamak district of the Ufa province.
Votskaya Autonomous Okrug, Kalmyk Autonomous Okrug, Mari Autonomous Okrug, Chuvash Autonomous Okrug - were formed on November 4, 1920 by a resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR on the formation of a number of new autonomous regions.
Autonomous Region of the Volga Germans (Labor Commune of the Volga Germans) - On October 9, 1918, by decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, the first autonomous region in the RSFSR was formed from part of the territories of the Saratov province and the Samara province. On December 19, 1923, the Volga Germans JSC was transformed into the Autonomous SSR of the Volga Germans.
ASSR Volga Germans (ASSRNP) - an autonomous SSR of Volga Germans, since December 19, 1923, part of the RSFSR. The autonomy of the Volga Germans lasted until August 28, 1941, then the territory of the ASSR was divided between the Saratov (15 cantons) and Stalingrad (Volgograd) (7 cantons) regions.
Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (YASSR) - was formed as part of the RSFSR on April 27, 1922.
Far Eastern Republic (FER) (April 6, 1920 – November 15, 1922) - puppet, officially independent and Democratic state with the capitalist structure of the economy, proclaimed in the territory of Transbaikalia and the Russian Far East.
Soviet Russia officially recognized the Far Eastern Republic on May 14, 1920, providing it with financial, diplomatic, personnel, economic and military assistance. On November 14, 1922, commanders of units of the People's Republic of the Far Eastern Republic, on behalf of the People's Assembly of the Far Eastern Republic, addressed the All-Russian Central Executive Committee with a request to include the Far Eastern Republic in the RSFSR, which a few hours later included the republic in the RSFSR as the Far Eastern Region.
Ussuri Republic - no data.
Armenian SSR - formed on November 29, 1920. Since March 12, 1922, it was part of the Transcaucasian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (TSFSR).
The Baku commune is a Soviet-type government formed in Baku and its environs on April 25, 1918, after the March events, as a result of which from 3 to 12 thousand Muslims were killed by Armenians in Baku and other settlements of the Baku province.
Soviet Socialist Republic of Abkhazia - proclaimed on March 31, 1921. On December 16, 1921, the SSR Abkhazia and the SSR Georgia, as subjects of international law, signed a Union Treaty, according to which there was a unification with the Georgian Republic on a federal contractual basis. On December 13, 1922, Abkhazia entered the Transcaucasian Federation through it.
Azerbaijan Democratic Republic. From March 12, 1922 to December 5, 1936 it was part of the Transcaucasian Federation.
Mugan Soviet Republic - a Soviet republic within the RSFSR, May 15-July 23, 1919, in the Lankaran district of the Baku province. Liquidated by ADR troops.
Georgian SSR - formed in 1921. From March 12, 1922 to December 5, 1936 it was part of the Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic.
South Ossetian Autonomous Okrug - proclaimed on June 8, 1920, liquidated by the troops of Menshevik Georgia.
Nakhichevan Soviet Republic - founded in July 1920.
Turkestan ASSR (TASSR, Turkestan Soviet Republic (TSR),
Turkestan Soviet Federative Republic) - an autonomous formation within the RSFSR from April 30, 1918 to October 27, 1924.
Bukhara People's Soviet Republic (BNSR) is a state that arose after the liquidation of the Bukhara Emirate on September 2, 1920. On September 14, 1920, the Revolutionary Committee and the Council of Nazirs (commissars) were finally formed, and the Bukhara Soviet People's Republic was proclaimed on October 8, 1920.
Khorezm People's Soviet Republic - was created as the successor to the Khorezm state in February 1920, when the Khorezm Shah abdicated the throne, and the First Khorezm Kurultai was officially declared on April 26, 1920. On October 30, 1923, it was transformed into the Khorezm Socialist Soviet Republic.
The Galician Socialist Soviet Republic is a republic that existed during the Soviet-Polish War from July 15 to September 23, 1920, within the region of the Southwestern Front of the Red Army, with its capital in the city of Ternopil.
Russian Krajina (Transcarpathia) is an autonomy centered in Mukachevo as part of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, which existed from March 21, 1919 until August 6 of the same year.
On September 10, 1919, Transcarpathia became part of the Czechoslovak Republic with autonomy rights, self-government was curtailed, and the name “Russian Krajina” was changed to “Subcarpathian Rus'”.
The Tuvan People's Republic is a de facto independent, partially recognized (recognized by the USSR and Mongolian People's Republic) state in Southern Siberia in 1921-1944, in 1921-1926 it was officially called Tannu-Tuva. It was not recognized by China, of which it was considered part of most countries in the world.
La Curtin - the events of 1917 that took place in the camp of the Russian expeditionary force in France, located in the commune of La Curtin in the Creuse department of the Limousin region. Due to the deterioration of their situation and under the influence of news of the revolution in Russia, the soldiers of the 1st Russian brigade refused to obey the Russian and French authorities, established Soviet power in the camp and demanded to return home.
By order of the Russian Provisional Government and the French government, the instigators were captured and later shot.
History / Domestic history
Ph.D. Protasov E.T.
Doctoral student at the Department of History of the Fatherland, Buryat State University, Russia
Social and legal conditions
nation-state building
BMASSR (1917-1923)
The process of nation-state building among the peoples of the former Russian Empire began with the “Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia” promulgated on November 3 (16), 1917. This document spoke about the destruction of national oppression, the need to establish a voluntary and honest union of the peoples of Russia, and also proclaimed the equality and sovereignty of the peoples of Russia, their right to self-determination up to the separation and formation of an independent state. This stage can be called the “period of revolutionary enthusiasm.” At this time, the resulting national autonomies were fragile and chaotic; subsequently they either ceased to exist or were transformed into higher forms of national-state structure. The process of autonomization began with the creation of republics in Central Asia, the North Caucasus and other regions. The first autonomous formations turned out to be fragile, except, perhaps, the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. The stimulus for the creation of the first autonomies was military intervention and attempts to tear away the “outskirts” from the young republic. National factors were not decisive in the creation of autonomies; the territories of the new republics coincided with the borders of the former administrative-territorial entities. Future autonomies had to declare that they were part of the RSFSR.
The difficulty that the Soviet government had to face in implementing the principle of “the right of a nation to self-determination up to and including secession” was the non-compact settlement of nationalities. In the process of building Soviet national statehood, union, autonomous republics, autonomous regions and national districts emerged. The “Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia” was the most important document, taking into account which national policy was built in the newly formed state. The Soviet government recognized the independence of Finland in 1917, which served as proof that the principle of free self-determination was not an empty phrase.
There is another example of the implementation of the principles of national policy of the state in the initial period: the Uriankhai region (after October revolution– Tuva) was positioned as an independent state, and only in 1944 did Tuva become part of the RSFSR. Although, in our opinion, the Bolshevik government, proclaiming the principle of free self-determination of peoples, considered it purely declarative, since this was explained by the lack of experience in state building, the lack of education and the weak economic base of the majority of peoples. In the first years of Soviet power, two trends in nation-state building emerged - the creation of republics and the creation of autonomous entities within the RSFSR.
The Constitution of 1918 fixed the existing system of Soviet government, and VII The All-Russian Congress of Soviets (December 1919) clarified the rights, functions and structure of executive committees and confirmed accountability to the higher executive committee, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR. The proclamation of a federal structure based on the national-territorial principle required resolving the issue of the division of powers between the center and members of the Federation. The political leadership, having proclaimed the Federation, did not establish clear legal norms for its existence. The Constitution of 1918 enshrined only the general principles of the federal structure, but did not define the forms and status of autonomous entities, or the delimitation of their powers with the center.
The construction of the Soviet Federation not on the basis of a treaty, but on the basis of law, initially assumed its normative nature and allowed for the possibility of redistribution of powers by decision of the center. Almost all autonomies were proclaimed by the corresponding acts of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, which determined the form, territory, structure of government and administration, and the basis of legal status. The solution to the problem of the level of political and economic development of nationalities was found in various forms of autonomy, the legal and actual status of which changed. At first, the autonomies were provided with various benefits and preferences that did not fit into federal relations. They had their own armed forces, participated in foreign policy contacts, etc. Subsequently, I.V. Stalin wrote: “...we were forced to demonstrate Moscow’s liberalism on the national question.” This was due, in our opinion, to the unstable political situation in our country. Later, starting in 1919, these autonomous rights were gradually curtailed, and already in 1920 they were completely transferred to the center (main power functions: navy, communications, finance, foreign policy, trade, transport, etc.).
The leading role in nation-state building was played by the People's Commissariat of Nationalities, which in May 1922 prepared two projects for the management of national territories. The first provided for the creation of sectoral committees under the People's Commissariat of Nationalities for the leadership of national regions. The second project is a reorganization “like the English Ministry of Colonies” and the transfer of political and economic leadership to it. The federal state system was of a compromise nature and was perceived by the leadership as a temporary, transitional form to a unitary state. Recognition of the Federation by the leadership of the Bolshevik Party did not mean a refusal to build a centralized unitary state, since VIII Congress (1919) pointed out the need to limit it through, as they said, “maximum centralization” through the selection of personnel to form the government apparatus. Already during the Civil War, this thesis began to be realized (for example, the practice of replacing Soviet bodies with party ones). From the first months of Soviet power, there was a steady trend of appointing party members to leadership positions in central and local bodies. A certain type of new leader was emerging, necessarily having party experience and participating in the revolutionary movement, while the presence of professional skills was optional. Since there were few competent management employees, personnel rotation was practiced both individually and according to assignments to the region. By the early 1920s, public administration was a cumbersome but clearly structured hierarchical system with weakly defined federal relations.
According to I.V. Stalin, the autonomization plan proposed to unite all Soviet republics, giving them the same legal status. Despite the approval of this project, V.I.’s proposal ultimately won out. Lenin to create the Union of Soviet Republics with the formation of a union Central Executive Committee. On XII At the party congress, after the legal formation of the USSR, a discussion arose about the delimitation of the powers of the center and the principle of the entry of autonomies into the USSR. I.V. Stalin argued that the entry of autonomies into the USSR would force the creation of “Russian autonomy,” and this would subsequently lead to the redrawing of territories and thereby complicate the organizational structure. The republics themselves demanded political independence and strengthened economic ties. Subsequently, the creation of a multi-layered federation allowed the center to manipulate the self-awareness of national leaders and pursue its own policies. This is especially clearly seen in the example of the creation of the Chamber of Nationalities in the Central Election Commission, when between M.V. Frunze and I.V. Stalin started a discussion about the representation of each national entity in it. According to the Constitution of the USSR of 1924, above the republican congresses of Soviets and the Central Executive Committee and Council of People's Commissars there was also a union level of bodies of the same name. The Constitution of the USSR (1924) contained a distinction between the jurisdiction of the center and the union republics. Meanwhile, the transparency of the definition of powers and the flexibility of formulations left the center with the opportunity to manipulate the spheres of authority, which created the preconditions for the implementation of the Stalinist model of autonomy, which provided for the centralization of power. According to V.N. Durdenevsky, “the autonomous republics easily received representation in the federal bodies of the USSR. The scope of their rights formally coincided with the rights of the provinces.” This author believed that the distinguishing feature between the union and autonomous republics was the fundamental subordination to the political whole. Among the Soviet republics, he distinguished three groups: 1) union republics, called sovereign and independently incorporated into the USSR; 2) the united republics of Transcaucasia or member republics (Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan), which became part of the USSR as a single group, forming the Transcaucasian Federation; 3) autonomous republics, which were not considered sovereign, but became part of the USSR through the union or united republic, which they were controlled by. According to V.N. Durdenevsky's autonomous republics were represented in the second chamber of the Union Central Executive Committee, the Council of Nationalities. The autonomous republics, due to their total numbers, had an overwhelming majority in the Council of Nationalities. Therefore, a peculiar situation emerged: the autonomous republics were controlled by the union republics within the union republics themselves, and the union republics, on the contrary, in turn, were largely controlled by the autonomous republics in the Council of Nationalities. IN in this case we see a mutual balance.
After February Revolution In 1917, the most numerous indigenous peoples of Siberia (Buryats, Yakuts, Altaians, Khakassians) developed a national movement, which was expressed in the demand for the right to self-determination.
The year 1917, with its saturation of political events, became the beginning of a new period in the Buryat national movement. On April 23–25, 1917, the first all-Buryat congress took place in Chita, which adopted a project for the creation of Buryat national autonomy in the form of uniting the Buryat-Mongols and Tungus of the Trans-Baikal region and the Irkutsk province into an independent autonomy. It was supposed to consist of primary territorial units - soums, united into khoshuns (volosts), which formed aimaks (districts). In essence it was a bourgeois form local government. The highest body was to be a national congress, and between congresses - the Buryat National Committee (Bunatsky) - the governing body of the Buryat national autonomy Buryaad-Mongol uls, which included the entire territory of Buryat settlement around Lake Baikal . Burnatsky made great efforts to implement the system of organizing Buryat autonomy developed by the national Buryat congress through the bodies of the Provisional Government by introducing zemstvos among the Buryats. In a document-telegram to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers G.E. Lvov from E.-D. Rinchino said: “... firmly believing in the coming glorious future of free Russia, we began local work to establish and strengthen a new system, created, in full contact with all local revolutionary organizations, the main self-governing cells on the basis of universal, equal, direct secret ballot. The lower self-governing cells are called somons; their connection forms khoshuns, which are united into aimaks. Accordingly, somonial, khoshun, and aimak security committees with independent judicial bodies were organized. Somon committees correspond to village committees, khoshun committees correspond to volost committees, and aimak committees correspond to district committees. This scheme was approved, recognized and approved by the regional peasant congress in Chita, the regional council of peasant deputies, the regional food committee, the regional public safety committee and local administrative institutions. Of all the elements of the rural population, the Buryats, as recognized by local revolutionary authorities, are the most united and organized, thanks to the creation of these national bodies of self-government." The congress also adopted a resolution “On the nationalization of Buryat schools,” which spoke of the need to teach in schools in their native language - this was considered an important condition self-determination of the Buryats.
On July 10–15, 1917, the II The All-Buryat Congress, at which it was decided to introduce a zemstvo among the Buryats. Khoshun was recognized as the primary zemstvo unit, consisting exclusively of uluses inhabited by Buryats, and aimags consisting of khoshuns were recognized as district zemstvo units.
At this congress, much attention was paid to the development of culture and religion of the Buryats. The congress made compromise decisions in the field of development of national culture. It was declared that religion, for example, was a private matter for every citizen. Quite rightly, the admission of children to huvaraki was limited (only after four years of secular education). Of great importance for the creation of Buryat autonomy was III The All-Buryat Congress (October 8–15, 1917), held in Verkhneudinsk, established the Central Buryat National Committee in Chita, and in Irkutsk - its department - the Irkutsk National Committee. The bodies of Buryat self-government did not receive the support of the Provisional Government, which saw this as a manifestation of separatism. It envisioned a solution to the national question in the form of volost and cultural-national autonomy. The refusal of the Provisional Government to approve the project of national autonomy did not affect the determination of the leaders to revive the liquidated bodies of national self-government.
Thus, the creation of the Buryat National Committee and its department in Irkutsk was the first step towards the nation-state building of the Buryats.
After the temporary fall of Soviet power in Eastern Siberia In conditions of intense political struggle, Buryat nationalists compromised and cooperated with the new government. Burnatsky was renamed the Buryat National Duma (hereinafter referred to as Burnarduma) at the November congress of 1918. With the coming to power of Ataman Semenov, Burnarduma violated the principle of neutrality, used any means and any ruling regime to achieve the main goal - the creation of Buryat national statehood. The uncertainty of the future of the Buryat people and their national statehood within the Russian state in the conditions of acute political struggle during the Civil War forced them to seek to gain their own statehood by uniting the Mongol-speaking peoples.
Thus, during the years of the Civil War and military intervention, national democratic figures advocated the unification of the Mongolian peoples into a single state. For this reason, they agreed to cooperate with Ataman Semenov and Japan. When, for a number of reasons, the idea of forming a pan-Mongolian state did not materialize, the leaders of the national movement moved away from Ataman Semenov. Disputes between the leaders of the communists and Buryat nationalists were mainly on two main issues: the recognition of Soviet power and the Buryat national autonomy. The communists insisted on the Sovietization of the Buryat uluses and aimaks and denied the need for national autonomy isolated from the Soviets.
In October 1920, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) issued a resolution on granting autonomy to the eastern peoples. With the release of this resolution, the dispute between the two movements of the Buryat intelligentsia ended. National democrats have essentially moved from the position of an outside peaceful observer to recognizing Buryat autonomy. Later, as part of the Far Eastern Republic (Ts. Zhamtsarano, M. Bogdanov, E.-D. Rinchino, D. Sampilon, B. Baradin) and the RSFSR (M.N. Erbanov, V.I. Trubachev, M.I. Amagaev , A. Ubugunov) the Buryat-Mongolian Autonomous Regions were formed.
In our opinion, the period of the 1920–1930s is more interesting from the point of view of nation-building. Conventionally, this period can be characterized as cooperation between the center and the autonomies. In the 1920s the process of creating independent statehood among individual peoples had gone far, and a return on a renewed basis was not envisaged. The national-state structure of Russia in its main features was formed in the 1920s. Since 1922, the process of autonomization has intensified while maintaining all forms of autonomy, except, perhaps, the labor commune. In 1923, the RSFSR included 11 autonomous republics, 14 autonomous regions, 63 provinces and regions. National formations never covered the entire territory of the RSFSR, remaining as original enclaves, along with which administrative-territorial units continued to exist. Thanks to the legal framework of the Soviet government, by the mid-1930s the process of nation-state building in the RSFSR was actively developing, i.e. all peoples received the right to self-determination in one form or another, starting from an autonomous region, a republic and ending with a national region. This stage in the implementation of national policy, according to R. Abdulatipov, can rightfully be called liberal-democratic.
As a result, I would like to note that the transformation of the state structure and the creation of national-state formations within the former Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century were due to the multinational composition of the state’s population, accumulated national problems and the need to resolve the national issue.
Literature:
Administrative-territorial structure of Russia. History and modernity. – M.: OLMA-PRESS, 2003. – P. 210.
Failed anniversary. Why the USSR did not celebrate its 70th anniversary / comp. A.P. Inadvertently. – M., 1992. – P. 17.
Konstantinov S.V. I.V. Stalin and the national-state reorganization of Russia / S.V. Konstantinov. 1917-1941: dis. ...cand. – M., 1997. – P. 74-76.
CPSU in resolutions and decisions of congresses, conferences and plenums of the Central Committee. – M., 1983. – P. 108. – T. 2.
Durdenevsky V.N. Autonomous republics in the system of the USSR. – Irkutsk: Publishing house. Irkut. University, 1929. – P.15.
Kazarin V.N. Issues of the national-state structure of the USSR in the works of legal scholars at Irkutsk University in the 1920s. / Mater. scientific-theoretical seminar (November 12-13, 2002) “Administrative, state and legal development of Siberia in the 17th - 21st centuries. – Irkutsk, 2003.- P.150-151.
GARB. F. 2. Op. 1. D. 1. L. 1.
Batuev B.B. The Bolshevik Party is the organizer of the victory of Soviet power in Eastern Siberia / B.B. Batuev. – Ulan-Ude, 1971. – P. 118.
Rinchino E.-D. Documents, articles, letters. – Ulan-Ude: Ed.-ed. Department of the Ministry of Press of the Republic of Belarus, 1994. – P. 153; Right there. – P. 235.
National movement in Buryatia in 1917-1919. Documents and materials / comp. B.B. Batuev. – Ulan-Ude, 1994. – pp. 54-60.
Basaev G.D. M.N. Erbanov / G.D. Basaev, S.Ya Erbanova. – Ulan-Ude: Buryats. book publishing house, 1989. – P. 26.
§ 2. Western countries in 1918 - 1923
In the second half of 1918, the countries of the Western world entered the 5th year of the imperialist war. By this time, its tragic results began to become more and more apparent. The war showed that latest achievements civilizations can be used to destroy masses of people, to the detriment of all humanity. In a number of countries, the war exposed social contradictions and showed the need for fundamental changes in the economy and political system. These transformations could be carried out in two ways: 1) evolutionary, when reforms are carried out from above by the state, while maintaining relative stability in society; 2) revolutionary, when the class struggle reaches its highest intensity, a rapid radical change occurs public relations. The path of social development in a particular country depended on many factors: the depth of the crisis, political traditions, the strength of state power, and the readiness of society to accept and support reforms.
Revolutions took place in the most weakened and politically unstable states of Europe. The revolution in Germany had the greatest influence on the development of the political situation. This country was one of the instigators of the First World War, but the consequences were very difficult for it. Germany lost 2 million killed, over 4 million wounded, about 1 million people were captured. Industrial production decreased by almost half compared to pre-war levels. Enormous military expenditures exhausted the financial system. The food supply deteriorated sharply, the population was starving. The war began to be perceived in Germany as a national disaster. The number of strikes grew, and unrest in the army and navy spread. However, there were also supporters of the war in the country. Landowners who could not achieve high productivity on their estates and hoped to expand their land holdings were interested in it. The continuation of the war was wanted by that part of the bourgeoisie that was connected with foreign markets and hoped to oust competitors from them, as well as the generals and senior officials. Progressive reforms were supposed to weaken the influence of these sections of the population in public life and strengthen the position of democratic forces. This would mean the elimination of the monarchy, which relied primarily on the landowners. However, the mood for reforms in society was very weak. In ruling circles there was a struggle between supporters and opponents of continuing the war. The people did not trust the government.
During the war years, the internal political situation in Germany changed. The bourgeois parties that formed the basis of the pre-war coalition governments were quickly losing influence. By the end of the war, a military dictatorship had actually been established in the country. All power was concentrated in the hands of the commander-in-chief. At the same time, the influence of opposition political forces grew.
In the summer of 1918, Germany suffered a major defeat in the offensive on the Western Front near Amiens. News of the defeat caused major unrest in the rear and at the front. A revolutionary situation was brewing in the country. Under these conditions, in October 1918, a new government was formed, headed by one of the leaders of liberal-monarchist circles, Prince Max of Baden. For the first time in Germany, Social Democrats were included in the government. They sought to prevent the growth of the revolution and direct the country along the path of reform. The government achieved the adoption by the Reichstag of laws aimed at democratizing the political system. However, these reforms could not produce quick results, and the patience of the people ran out. In addition, the main issue - exit from the war - was not resolved. To these internal factors was added an external one - the influence of the revolutionary events of 1917 in Russia. For all these reasons, the crisis in Germany deepened, the revolution became inevitable.
The beginning of the revolution in Germany was the uprising of sailors in Kiel. At the same time, peace negotiations began, however, the military command ordered the fleet to go to sea and engage in battle with the English fleet. Military leaders hoped in this way to achieve peace with the Entente on more favorable terms. The sailors refused to obey the order. Repression began, the sailors responded with a demonstration, which was shot. On November 3, 1918, the uprising began - soldiers and sailors took up arms. From Kiel the revolutionary wave spread to other cities. Councils were created everywhere, which in a number of places became parallel bodies of power. Along with non-party workers and soldiers, the Soviets included members of political parties. The most active were the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (NSPD) and its left wing, the Spartak group. These political forces were not unanimous in their views. The SPD advocated the convening of the Constituent Assembly and the peaceful and gradual transformation of the state. Most of the independents, led by K. Kautsky, did not deny the revolution, but considered it untimely, fearing that it would lead to devastation. They opposed the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, believing that it contradicted the principles of democracy. The left wing of the NSDPD was led by Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. Spartacists believed that Germany was ready for a socialist revolution, and the dictatorship of the proletariat was necessary in the struggle to transform society. They relied on the experience of the Russian Bolsheviks.
The first stage of the German revolution lasted from November 3 to mid-November 1918. As a result of mass revolutionary uprisings, the monarchy was overthrown. The Kaiser hastily left the country. The representative of liberal-monarchist circles, Max Badensky, left the post of head of government. The new government was headed by Social Democrat Ebert. Germany was proclaimed a republic. On November 10, a meeting of representatives of all Berlin Councils took place. It elected an executive committee and approved the Council of People's Representatives (SNU). The SNU became the first republican government in Germany. It was a coalition government, as it included representatives of the SPD and the NSDPD. The Spartacists did not receive the support of the majority of the meeting and did not join the SNU. On November 11, this government signed an armistice with the Entente powers.
At the second stage of the revolution (mid-November - mid-December 1918), the government carried out a number of social transformations. There was a statement about the “socialization” of the existing system. However, socialist terminology had a completely different meaning in Germany than the one that the Russian Bolsheviks or Spartacists put into it. Private property was preserved and measures were taken to protect it. At the same time, the task of improving the economic situation of workers was put forward. Their right to participate in production management was recognized. Trade unions, as representatives of workers, received the right to conclude collective agreements with employers. At enterprises with more than 50 workers, committees were created to monitor the implementation collective agreements. From January 1, an 8-hour working day was announced. These decisions were approved by the workers. Martial law was abolished, restrictions on constitutional rights adopted during the war (freedom of speech, assembly, press) were eliminated. At the same time, the government tried to limit direct revolutionary actions of the people and reduce the influence of left-wing radical political forces.
The third stage of the revolution (mid-December 1918 - mid-January 1919) is characterized by an acute political struggle around the reforms being carried out. The turning point for the development of the revolution was the First All-German Congress of Soviets, held in Berlin from December 16 to 21. Most political parties supported the establishment of the republic and advocated the continuation of reforms, but in a legal way - through the elections of the National Assembly and the transfer of all powers to it.
This would mean that the country would not experience revolutionary upheavals, that a period of gradual reform of the state system would begin. However, Spartacists and left-wing independents believed that the convening of the National Assembly would lead to the restoration of the previous order. Therefore, they demanded a deepening of the revolution: the arming of the workers, the creation of the Red Guard, the expropriation of the big bourgeoisie. On December 30, 1918, the Spartak conference decided to withdraw from the NSDPD and announced the creation of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). The new party spoke out for the dictatorship of the proletariat, against the peaceful development of capitalism into socialism, and called for the establishment of Soviet power. The position of the KKE meant intensifying class confrontation, right up to civil war. The country was also pushed towards this by reactionary forces - militaristic organizations, junkers, part of the big bourgeoisie, the generals. After the congress of the KKE, calls for physical violence against the communists began to be heard from the right.
Political confrontation led to direct armed clashes. At the end of December, representatives of the NSDPD left the government, which had now become homogeneous, social democratic. The purge of independents from government bodies began. The Central Committee of the KPD and the Berlin organization of the NSDPD decided on January 5 to start an armed uprising with the aim of overthrowing the government. Armed uprisings also occurred in other cities. However, the NSDPG did not want the armed struggle to escalate and entered into negotiations with the government. The SNU instructed the right-wing Social Democrat Noska, a member of the Council, to deal with the rebels. During the bloody battles of January 8-12, 1919, Berlin was captured by government forces. The KPD leaders Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg were hunted down and killed by reactionary officers on January 15, 1919. The third stage of the revolution ended with the suppression of the Berlin workers' uprising.
The defeat of the left forces accelerated the unity of the bourgeois parties. On January 19, 1919, elections to the National Assembly were held. KKE did not participate in them. The bourgeois parties won, receiving 54.5% of the vote. The SPD came out on top in terms of the number of votes. This meant that voters supported parties of civil peace rather than civil war. Deputies of the National Assembly gathered in the small provincial town of Weimar to work, which is why the republic of this period is called Weimar. Here, in the summer of 1919, a new constitution was adopted. The bourgeois parties agreed to create a coalition government, headed by the Social Democrat Scheidemann. SPD leader Ebert was elected president.
Meanwhile, revolutionary battles continued in a number of areas of Germany. Their highest point at the final stage of the revolution was the creation of the Bavarian Soviet Republic on April 13, 1919. The revolutionary government, headed by the communist Levin, included communists, social democrats and independents. The government tried to pursue a policy of dictatorship of the proletariat: it nationalized banks, introduced workers' control in production, and created the Red Army. It did not carry out any work in the villages, since it did not consider the peasants an ally of the workers. In early May, after heavy fighting between the Red Army and government forces, the Bavarian Republic fell. Its leaders were shot. The November Revolution in Germany of 1918-1919 was over.
The November Revolution was bourgeois-democratic, popular, and anti-imperialist in nature. Its main driving force was the working class; the intelligentsia and part of the bourgeoisie took part in it. The revolution was not able to solve all the pressing problems: Junker land ownership and the dominance of monopolies were not eliminated. However, it contributed to the speedy exit of Germany from the First World War, the renewal of the political system and the socio-economic system of the country. The German Empire was liquidated. In accordance with the constitution adopted in Weimar, Germany became a republic with a strong presidential power and a government responsible to the Reichstag. The people were proclaimed the source of power in the state. All citizens, men and women, from the age of 20 received the right to elect parliament (Reichstag) and the president of the country. Factory councils, agreements between organizations of workers and entrepreneurs were legalized, and the rights of trade unions were expanded. The Weimar Republic lasted until 1933, until the Nazis came to power. The revolution in Germany contributed to the rise of the revolutionary movement in Europe, put an end to the intervention of German imperialism against Soviet Russia, and made it possible to liquidate the Brest-Litovsk Treaty.
Germany was not the only country in the West in which crisis development led to revolution. In the fall of 1918, as a result of the national liberation revolution, the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, Germany's ally in the war, collapsed. A number of independent states were formed on its territory. Austria became a democratic republic. In Hungary in the spring of 1919 there was socialist revolution, during which the Hungarian Soviet Republic was created. It lasted 133 days. The Revolutionary Government Council (the so-called Soviet government of Hungary) was headed by Sandor Garbai. The RPS pursued a policy similar to that pursued by the Soviet government in Russia. Banks and enterprises were nationalized or taken under state control. The National Economy Council was created to manage the economy. An 8-hour working day was introduced, wages were increased, and social insurance was introduced. Large land holdings were taken away from the landowners. However, the international situation and internal contradictions led to the fall of the Hungarian Soviet Republic. On August 1, at a meeting of the Budapest Council, right-wing Social Democrats achieved a decision on the resignation of the Soviet government. Soon a reactionary dictatorship was established in the country.
Establishment of a fascist dictatorship in Italy. In March 1919, the first fascist organization was created in one of the mansions in Milan. Its initial demands demagogically proclaimed the abolition of the monarchy and the abolition of titles, the demand for a tax on large capital and the abolition of compulsory military service, an 8-hour working day and agrarian reform. The Nazis introduced a paramilitary uniform - black shirts, a special organizational structure - legions, cohorts and the ancient Roman greeting - a wave of an outstretched straight arm. The activities of the Italian fascists were aimed at inciting national sentiments of an aggressive foreign policy (“place in the sun”), against the organized labor movement and its parties, and at seeking the support of influential monopoly circles and the top of the army. However, during 1919-1920, the demagogic propaganda of the fascists did not have mass success: the number of fascist unions did not exceed several thousand people, and in the elections of 1919 the fascists were unable to get a single deputy into parliament.
The leader of the Italian fascists became a leader of a new type -Benito Mussolini, who was a capable man, far from stupid, knew foreign languages, played the violin. He was considered a man of the crowd, possessed of political intuition and practicality. Mussolini had a brilliant oratorical technique.
For enough a short time Mussolini was able to skillfully take advantage of the specific historical conditions of post-war Italy and ensure that fascism became a mass movement. He managed to enlist the support of not only the Italian monopoly bourgeoisie, bankers and farmers, but also the leadership of the army, the royal court, and the Vatican. After the defeat of the workers' movement to seize factories in the fall of 1920, the number of fascist unions and their numbers began to grow rapidly. In November 1921, at the congress of fascist unions in Rome, the fascist movement was transformed into a party, and preparations began for the seizure of power. A serious obstacle on this path was the labor movement and its parties - socialist and communist. The fascists carried out pogroms and raids on workers' organizations, disrupted rallies and beat up workers' leaders, and used terror and abuse of their opponents. Italian workers resisted the fascists, and clashes between workers and fascists sometimes turned into bloody battles. However, the disunity of the labor movement did not make it possible to create an insurmountable barrier for the fascists on their path to power. On October 27, 1922, Mussolini gave the order for the so-called “March on Rome,” and on October 30, armed columns of the Blackshirts entered the “eternal city” without encountering resistance. The king offered Mussolini the post of head of government. So Italy became the first country where the fascists came to power.
In October 1922, the Italian fascists received part of the executive power in the person of Prime Minister Mussolini and several ministerial posts in the coalition government. From this time until 1926, the consolidation of the fascist regime took place, which consisted in the gradual mastery by the fascists of all legislative and executive power and culminated in the establishment of a fascist dictatorship, combining the features of totalitarianism and authoritarianism.
The democratic political systems that existed in Great Britain, France and other Western countries turned out to be more resistant to shocks than the anti-democratic systems in the countries of the German bloc. But here, too, there were mass strikes that were mainly socio-economic in nature. The First World War, revolutions in several European countries and the growth of the labor movement forced politicians to look for ways to improve the political systems of the Western world. Historical experience showed that the state should not express only the will of the ruling minority. Government institutions must take into account the interests of broader sections of the population and be sensitive to changes in public life. The ruling circles of Western countries began to view reforms not only as concessions to the workers, but also as an alternative to revolution, as a means of preventing a social explosion. Bourgeois reformism became increasingly entrenched in politics.
The improvement of bourgeois democracy was manifested primarily in the development of the parliamentary system and local governments. In England, an electoral reform was carried out in 1918, as a result of which women received voting rights for the first time. In Italy, after the war, a reform was also carried out that allowed the most popular parties to increase their representation in parliament.
In 1920-1921, the countries of Western Europe and the United States were gripped by the first post-war economic crisis. The sharp decline in production led to mass unemployment. Cultivated areas in agriculture decreased and inflation increased. The standard of living of the people has dropped significantly. In conditions of crisis, the ruling circles of Western countries managed to prevent the growth of revolutionary uprisings and divide the workers' trade unions. After the crisis of 1920-1921, the economy entered a period of prolonged stagnation.
Under the influence of the October Revolution in Russia and the post-war crisis, the process of creating communist parties was underway in a number of countries. They received the support of the Comintern and Soviet Russia. Thus, in the international labor movement, a confrontation between revolutionary and social reformist currents emerged. The inclusion of workers' parties in the system of bourgeois parliamentarism contributed to the decline in the revolutionary activity of the working class. At the same time, the bourgeoisie of the countries most weakened by the war - Germany, Italy - chose terrorist methods to overcome the crisis. In Germany, almost simultaneously with the communist one, an extreme right-wing, fascist party arose. In Italy, the same party managed to quickly gain power and establish a dictatorship. Fascist parties called themselves workers, socialists, but were based on chauvinist and racist ideology.
Thus, after the end of the First World War and under the influence of the October Revolution in Russia, profound changes took place in the socio-political development of Western countries. In more developed countries, the parliamentary system was improved, the range of parties expanded, and the political culture of the masses grew. At the same time, revolutionary upheavals occurred in a number of states. Unresolved social contradictions gave rise to confrontation between different political forces, the most dangerous of which was fascism.
Until the 17th century. the territory of most of Ukraine was under the rule of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The first national Ukrainian state was formed in 1654 in the modern central region of Ukraine during liberation war Bohdan Khmelnytsky. At the same time, Ukraine entered into Russian citizenship for protection from Poland. After the Russian-Polish war of 1654-1667. According to the Truce of Andrusovo, the lands east of the Dnieper (Left Bank Ukraine) passed to Russia, and the western territory (Right Bank Ukraine) remained part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
As a result of wars with Poland and the Ottoman Empire in the 18th century. Right Bank Ukraine, Volyn and Podolia, then Crimea, the Azov region and the Northern Black Sea region were ceded to the Russian Empire. Kiev, Volyn, Podolsk, Kharkov, Ekaterinoslav, Tauride, Novorossiysk and Kherson provinces were created. At the same time, the annexed regions did not have national autonomy as such. The concept “Little Russia” was used, and the inhabitants were called Little Russians or South Russians. On the eve of the First World War, parts of Western Ukraine, together with Transcarpathia, were part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Between the February and October revolutions of 1917
The February Revolution of 1917 marked the end of the Russian Empire. On the night of March 1 to 2 (from 13 to 14) Emperor Nicholas II signed the abdication of the throne, and the Provisional Government came to power in Petrograd. In Kyiv they learned about the change of government on March 3 (16). This news immediately found its way into local newspapers and spread throughout Ukraine; rallies in support of the revolution were held in many cities. Over the next few days, all organs of tsarist power in Ukraine were liquidated. Management passed into the hands of provincial and district commissars, who were appointed by the Provisional Government. The formation of the Councils of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies - representative bodies of the revolutionary forces - began.
Also on March 3 (16), a meeting of representatives of various political and public organizations took place in Kyiv. They did not have a common opinion about the future status of Ukraine. Some of them (independents), led by N. Mikhnovsky, advocated the immediate formation of an independent state. The other part – the autonomists, led by V. Vinnichenko – saw Ukraine as an autonomous republic in a federation with Russia. To avoid a split in the national movement, party leaders decided to unite and create a common inter-party center - the Ukrainian Central Rada. This was announced on March 4, and the famous Ukrainian historian M. S. Grushevsky became the chairman of the Rada. The Central Rada spoke out for the autonomy of Ukraine, proclaiming: “Let Ukraine be free. Without separating from all of Russia, without breaking with the Russian state, let the Ukrainian people on their land have the right to independently put their lives in order.” As historians note, in the first post-revolutionary period, only a few spoke about the creation of a completely independent state; most Ukrainian leaders talked about the autonomy of Ukraine within Russia.
In a welcoming telegram to the head of the Provisional Government, Prince Lvov, the Central Rada declared support for the Provisional Government, and also expressed gratitude for caring for the national interests of Ukrainians. On March 7 (20), M. Grushevsky was elected chairman of the UCR.
So, in the spring of 1917, power in Ukraine was represented by the Central Rada, which pursued the policy of the Provisional Government, the provincial commissariat from the Provisional Government in Kyiv, and locally led by councils of workers, peasants and soldiers' deputies. The authority of the Bolsheviks was low. The legitimacy of the Rada itself was highly questionable. It was formed by a self-proclaimed group of members of the Association of Ukrainian Progressives. As the Provisional Government pointed out, no one elected the Rada, so it cannot represent the will of the entire Ukrainian people.
On April 6-8 (19-21) the All-Ukrainian National Congress was held in Kyiv, at which 848 delegates from various organizations discussed issues of national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine. The participants of the congress decided to create a government body and develop a project for the autonomous status of Ukraine. A new composition of the Central Rada was elected. M. Grushevsky remained the head, and S. Efremov and V. Vinnichenko became his deputies - they headed executive agency, Small Rada. Simon Petlyura also took part in this congress as chairman of the Ukrainian Front Council of the Western Front. The congress adopted a resolution: “In accordance with historical traditions and the modern real needs of the Ukrainian people, the congress recognizes that only the national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine is able to satisfy the aspirations of our people and all other peoples living on Ukrainian soil.”
The national convention received widespread support. After him, many military, peasant, and workers' congresses took place, and they all agreed on the demand for national-territorial autonomy. On May 5-8 (18-21), 1917, the First All-Ukrainian Military Congress was held. Its participants spoke in favor of the formation of the Ukrainian national army, the “Ukrainization” of the Black Sea Fleet and the reorganization of the army along national-territorial lines. At the congress, the opinions of independentists and autonomists again clashed, and the autonomist concept of socialist parties gained predominance.
Based on the resolutions of this and other congresses, the Rada drew up a memorandum to the Provisional Government, where it expressed hope for support for the slogan of autonomy. The Ukrainian delegation led by V. Vinnichenko arrived in Petrograd in mid-May, but the Provisional Government did not make a clear decision on Ukrainian demands.
Then the Ukrainian Rada moved to more decisive actions and at a meeting on June 10 (23), 1917, adopted the First Universal, which unilaterally proclaimed the national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine within Russia. On June 28 (July 11), a delegation of the Provisional Government headed by A. Kerensky arrived in Kyiv and stated that they would not object to autonomy, but the final decision should be made by the All-Russian Constituent Assembly. Speaking about Ukrainian territory, Kerensky named five central provinces. Then, on July 3 (16), the Rada issued the Second Universal, in which it declared a decisive refusal to declare autonomy until the convening of the Constituent Assembly.
At the same time, radical Ukrainian military personnel put pressure on the Central Rada. Compromise concessions by the Central Rada to the Provisional Government finally led to armed uprisings, the largest of which was the action of the Ukrainian Military Club named after. Hetman P. Polubotok July 5 (18), 1917 The uprising was suppressed, and the rebel soldiers were sent to the front.
On October 20 (November 2), the Third All-Ukrainian Military Congress met in Kyiv, where one of the leaders of the Socialist Revolutionaries openly criticized the Rada’s policies and called for “forming the Ukrainian Democratic Republic on our own.” On October 25 (November 7) in Petrograd, the Bolsheviks overthrew the Provisional Government. The second revolution received practically no support in Ukraine, since the influence of the Bolsheviks here was too weak. On October 26 (November 8), at a meeting of the Malaya Rada, with the participation of various political and public organizations, the Regional Committee for the Protection of the Revolution was created, to which all authorities in Ukraine were to submit. The Regional Committee itself was under the control of the Central Rada. The next day, the Central Rada adopted a resolution in which it condemned the Petrograd uprising and declared the need to transfer power to the hands of revolutionary democracy, but not to the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.
In Kyiv, the Bolsheviks were unable to seize power, and the new government - the Council of People's Commissars - was hostile to the Central Rada. Only in the Donbass did they support the Bolsheviks and in early October they took power in Lugansk, Gorlovka, Makeevka and Kramatorsk.
The Bolsheviks left the Rada and created a military revolutionary committee. The confrontation between Soviet Russia and the Central Rada grew. On November 7 (20), 1917, the Rada announced the creation of the Ukrainian People's Republic within Russia. While A. Kerensky agreed to place at the disposal of the Central Rada only five provinces - Kyiv, Volyn, Podolsk, Poltava and part of Chernigov, at the general meeting on October 31 (November 13) the Rada extended the power of its General Secretariat also to Kherson, Ekaterinoslav, Kharkov , Kholmsk and partially Tauride (without Crimea), Kursk and Voronezh provinces.
On December 4 (17), 1917, the Council of People's Commissars sent a Manifesto to the Central Rada with ultimatum demands. It said that the Council of People's Commissars recognizes the People's Ukrainian Republic and its right to secede from Russia or enter into an agreement with the Russian Republic on federal and similar relations between them. The right of the Ukrainian people to national independence was also recognized. At the same time, the Council of People's Commissars accused the Central Rada of an ambiguous bourgeois policy towards the Soviets and Soviet power in Ukraine, refusal to convene a regional congress of Ukrainian Soviets, disorganization of the front, disarmament of Soviet troops in Ukraine, support of the “Kadet-Kaledin conspiracy”, assistance to Kaledin and refusal to let troops to fight Kaledin.
On December 11-12 (24-25), the First All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets was convened in Kharkov, which proclaimed the formation of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic. Thus, two Ukrainian states arose. The resolution of the First All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets on the self-determination of Ukraine dated December 12 (25), 1917, stated that “...The First All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, recognizing the Ukrainian Republic as a federal part of the Russian Republic, declares a decisive struggle detrimental to the worker-peasant masses policy of the Central Rada, revealing its bourgeois, counter-revolutionary character.” In documents from the Civil War, the republic was called differently: Ukrainian Republic of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies; Soviet Ukrainian People's Republic; Ukrainian Workers' and Peasants' Republic; Ukrainian Soviet Republic; Ukrainian Federative Soviet Republic.
On January 22, 1918, the Central Rada issued the Fourth Universal, which declared the independence of the UPR. On January 26 (February 8), the Red Army captured Kyiv, and a few days later the government of Soviet Ukraine moved to the city. As a result of the hostilities of December 1917 - January 1918. The Bolsheviks occupied Ekaterinoslav, Poltava, Kremenchug, Elisavetgrad, Nikolaev, Kherson and other cities. However, they were prevented from strengthening their power by the German occupation, which lasted from the end of February until April 1918. On March 3, 1918, the Bolsheviks concluded a separate peace in Brest-Litovsk, according to which they pledged to liberate the territory of Ukraine and transfer it to the jurisdiction of Germany and Austria-Hungary. In addition, Ukraine had to supply Germany with a large amount of goods and food.
Political entities during the Ukrainian Civil War
In total for the period 1917-1920. There are 16 self-proclaimed political entities on the territory of Ukraine. Here we should also take into account the formation of Soviet republics on a territorial basis. Modern Ukrainian history textbooks bypass these state entities, recognizing the existence of only the UPR and WUNR. The first such republic was the Odessa Soviet Republic, created on January 17 (30), 1918. Its territory covered the Kherson province. The republic existed until March 13, 1918, when Odessa was captured by German and Austro-Hungarian troops.
Another territorial Soviet republic in eastern Ukraine was formed at the 1st Constituent Congress of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers', Peasants', Villagers' and Farmers' Deputies, which was held in Simferopol on March 7-10, 1918. Officially, it was called the Soviet Socialist Republic of Taurida within the RSFSR and until 19 March included the entire territory of the Tauride province - the Crimean Peninsula and the northern regions adjacent to the Black and Azov Seas. Despite the fact that the republic was part of the RSFSR, it was also attacked by German troops and ceased to exist on April 30.
At the end of January 1918, the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Soviet Republic was also organized on the principles of national autonomy. Its power extended to the Kharkov, Ekaterinoslav, and partially Kherson provinces and to some areas of the Don Army. This republic is worth special mention, since it occupied a significant territory of modern Ukraine and also claimed autonomy.
Donbass, the largest industrial center of Russia, was divided between the Ekaterinoslav, Kharkov provinces and the Don Army Region. The idea of its unification arose even before the February Revolution. After the coup in Kharkov, on April 25 - May 6, 1917, the First Regional Congress of Councils of Workers' Deputies of the Donetsk and Krivoy Rog regions was held, uniting the Kharkov, Yekaterinoslav provinces, Krivoy Rog and Donetsk basins. New area divided into 12 administrative districts, and its belonging to Russia was taken for granted. A small dispute arose only on the question of the capital - Kharkov or Yekaterinoslav (modern Dnepropetrovsk). We chose Kharkov because the headquarters of the mining industry in southern Russia was also located there. During this period, the Bolsheviks in southern Russia had no influence, and Kharkov declared that it would submit to Petrograd.
When in the summer of 1917 the Central Rada demanded from the Provisional Government the annexation of Novorossiya and part of the Donbass, in addition to the former Little Russian territories, the head of the Council of Congresses of Miners of the South of Russia (SSGYUR), Nikolai von Ditmar, reported to the Provisional Government: “All this mining and mining industry does not constitute a local regional , and the common state property and in view of the colossal importance of this industry for the very existence of Russia, of course, there can be no question that all this industry and this region could be in the possession of anyone other than the entire people... This entire region as in industrial terms, and in geographical and everyday terms, it seems completely different from Kyiv. This entire region is of independent, paramount importance for Russia, ... and the administrative subordination of the Kharkov region to the Kyiv region is absolutely not caused by anything.” On these grounds, the Provisional Government published a circular dated August 4, 1917, according to which the territory of the UPR was limited to five central provinces.
After the overthrow of the Provisional Government in November 1917, the Central Rada issued the 3rd Universal, in which it declared Donbass and Kharkov part of Ukraine. In response, on November 16, 1917, the executive committee of local councils of the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog region adopted an official resolution: “To launch a broad campaign to leave the entire Donetsk-Krivoy Rog basin with Kharkov as part of the Russian Republic and classify this territory as a special, unified administrative-self-governing region ".
On January 27-30 (February 9-12), 1918, the 4th regional congress of Soviets of Workers' Deputies was held in the Kharkov Metropol Hotel, on the last day of which the Donetsk Republic was proclaimed. The decision was supported by 50 delegates out of 74. The government of the new republic - the Council of People's Commissars - included Bolsheviks, Mensheviks and Left Socialist Revolutionaries, headed by Bolshevik comrade Artyom (F. Sergeev). The next day, he sent a telegram to Lenin: “The Regional Congress of Soviets adopted a resolution on the creation of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Basin as part of the all-Russian Federation of Soviets.” Like the RSFSR, the Donetsk Republic had a red flag, and the currency was rubles. There are other names for the republic, for example, Krivdonbass or Donkrivbass, but the traditionally accepted name is the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Republic (DKR).
A few days before the proclamation of the Donetsk Republic, the Central Rada signed an agreement in Brest with Germany and Austria-Hungary, which allowed the entry of Austro-German troops into the territory of Ukraine. According to the agreement, the northern border of Ukraine ran along the line Tarnograd-Belogray-Krasnostav-Melnik-Velikolitovsk-Kamenets-Pruzhany-Vyganovskoye Lake, i.e. the UPR was given a part of Western Polesie with the Belarusian population. The question arose about where the eastern border of Ukraine lies - the Rada considered Donbass Ukrainian, while Petrograd and Donbass itself recognized itself as Soviet. On the eve of the German invasion of Kharkov, Comrade Artyom handed over a note to the leaders of foreign powers with the following content: “As for the borders of our Republic... Just a few months ago, the Kiev Rada, in an agreement with Prince Lvov and Tereshchenko, established the eastern borders of Ukraine precisely along the line that was and is the western borders of our Republic. The western borders of the Kharkov and Yekaterinoslav provinces, including the railway part of Krivoy Rog, Kherson province and the districts of the Tauride province to the isthmus, have always been and are the western borders of our Republic. The Azov Sea to Taganrog and the borders of the coal Soviet Districts of the Don Region along the Rostov-Voronezh railway to the Likhaya station, the western borders of the Voronezh and southern borders of the Kursk provinces close the borders of our Republic.” Researcher of the Donetsk Republic V. Kornilov in his book “Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Republic: A Dream That Was Shot” provides evidence that the power of the Council of People’s Commissars of the republic was recognized in this territory, and some neighboring cities also asked to be included in the Donetsk Republic.
Immediately after the formation of the DKR, a government was formed - the Council of People's Commissars, headed by Artyom. On the very first day, 10 people's commissars were appointed, a total of 16 were planned in collaboration with the Socialist Revolutionaries. The new government actively took on social and economic reforms. Thus, under the Council of People's Commissars, the Southern Regional Council of National Economy was created, where the best engineers and economists worked. The leadership of the DKR approved an 8-hour working day, vacation for workers and compulsory secondary education.
At the beginning of March 1918, the Germans entered the territory of the DKR. They were opposed by mobilized detachments of workers and soldiers. They were not enough to stop the Germans, but they were able to slow the enemy advance. On April 7, 1918, Austro-German troops occupied Kharkov, and the DKR government moved to Lugansk. When the Germans entered Lugansk on April 28, the republic's leadership was forced to retreat across the Don to Tsaritsyn. Despite the German occupation, the republic continued to exist.
By early May, the entire territory of Ukraine was occupied by the troops of the Central Powers. The Ukrainian Central Rada was in a political crisis, and its activities did not meet the expectations of the interventionists. Then Germany and Austria-Hungary decided to change the government and elected P. Skoropadsky, a former lieutenant general of the tsarist army, as hetman of Ukraine. The country received a new name - Ukrainian State. Skoropadsky's regime did not last long - by the autumn of 1918 it became clear that the defeat of the Central Powers in the war was inevitable. After the end of the First World War and the revolution in Germany, Skoropadsky lost the support of the Germans.
On December 14, 1918, the Ukrainian State was replaced by the Ukrainian People's Republic, headed by the Directory. At first it was headed by Vinnychenko, but already at the beginning of 1919 the Directory was headed by S. Petliura. Petlyura fought against the white, red and rebel troops of N. Makhno.
After the revolution in Germany in the fall of 1918, the Bolsheviks again launched an offensive in the eastern regions of Ukraine. On November 17, the Ukrainian Revolutionary Military Council was approved under the leadership of I. Stalin. On November 28, the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government of the Ukrainian SSR was created in Kursk, headed by G. Pyatakov. On January 4, 1919, it moved to Kharkov, and at the end of January it was transformed into the Council of People's Commissars under the leadership of Kh. Rakovsky. The government of the Donetsk Republic also returned. However, there was no longer talk of the DKR joining the RSFSR - Stalin advocated the unification of Donbass with Central Ukraine in the interests of internationalism.
I. Stalin said: “There will be no Donkrivbass and there should not be.” On February 17, 1919, Lenin signed a decree: “To ask Comrade Stalin, through the Bureau of the Central Committee, to carry out the destruction of Krivdonbass.” The Communist Party decided that petty-bourgeois Ukraine needed to be diluted with the proletarian element of Donbass. At the same time, there was no official decision on the liquidation or self-dissolution of the DKR, as well as on its annexation to Ukraine.
For some time, the Ukrainian SSR included the Belgorod and Grayvoron districts of the pre-revolutionary Kursk province. On January 31, 1919, the Council of People's Commissars of the Ukrainian SSR adopted a resolution on the formation of the Donetsk province consisting of two counties - Bakhmut and Slavyanoserb. The draft resolution stipulated that the Ukrainian government did not lay claim to the Don region of the RSFSR.
On February 7, 1919, the People's Commissar for Military Affairs of Ukraine ordered the formation of the Kharkov Military District, which included the territories of Kharkov, Yekaterinoslav, Poltava and Chernigov provinces. On February 25, the issue of the borders between the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR was considered. It was decided to maintain the pre-revolutionary borders between the provinces as the borders between the republics, but the four northern districts of the Chernigov province passed to the RSFSR, which included them in the Gomel province.
Education of the Ukrainian SSR
On March 8-10, 1919, the 3rd Congress of Soviets of the Ukrainian SSR was held in Kharkov, which proclaimed the creation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (UKSR) as an independent state, and the draft Constitution of the Ukrainian SSR was also adopted. The congress approved the policy of the Ukrainian government to comprehensively strengthen relations with Soviet Russia. Thus, Ukraine joined the wishes of other independent Soviet republics to create a union of republics. At the same time, the Ukrainian Council of People's Commissars approved the "Treaty on Borders with the Russian Socialist Soviet Republic", according to which the administrative borders of nine provinces where Ukrainians lived were recognized as state - Kiev, Kherson, Podolsk, Volyn, Kharkov, Poltava, Chernigov, Ekaterinoslav and Tauride.
By May 1919, almost the entire territory of Ukraine (except Western) was controlled by the Red Army. However, the economic policy of the Bolsheviks caused discontent among the local population, which the rebels and whites took advantage of. Along with the strengthening of internal counter-revolution, the white movement received active assistance from the Entente countries. By the beginning of autumn 1919, all independent Soviet republics except the RSFSR were abolished. Together with the Cossacks, Denikin’s army held the region of the Don Army.
The Revolutionary Insurgent Army of N. Makhno fought against Denikin. In mid-September, the Makhnovists occupied Yekaterinoslav and threatened Taganrog, where Denikin’s headquarters was located. Makhno's insurgency contributed to turning the Civil War in Ukraine in favor of the Reds. On October 11, 1919, the Red Army began its offensive against Denikin - the third attempt to establish Bolshevik power in Ukraine. The Bolsheviks advanced rapidly: on December 12, Soviet troops entered Kharkov, on December 16, in Kyiv, and on February 7, 1920, in Odessa. Eastern Ukraine almost completely came under Bolshevik control by the end of December 1919, central and right-bank Ukraine were occupied at the beginning of 1920.
On December 3, 1919, at the VIII All-Russian Conference of the RCP (b), a special resolution was adopted on Soviet power in Ukraine. The first paragraph of this resolution emphasized: “Unswervingly pursuing the principle of self-determination of nations, the Central Committee considers it necessary to once again confirm that the Russian Communist Party stands at the point of view of recognizing the independence of the Ukrainian SSR.” The resolution also pointed to the need to create the closest union for all Soviet republics and ordered by all means to promote the removal of all obstacles to the free development of the Ukrainian language and culture, to show tolerance in interethnic relations, to attract representatives of the Ukrainian population, especially the peasantry, to cooperation and not to allow any coercion in formation of communes, artels, etc.
The remnants of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia went to Poland, some of them then returned to Crimea to the whites. The remnants of the White armies, which were evacuated from Novorossiysk in the spring of 1920, were transferred to Crimea and consolidated their position on the peninsula. In April they were organized into the Russian Army under the command of P. Wrangel. Throughout the summer of 1920, fighting raged in Northern Tavria. Finally, the Bolsheviks managed to occupy a strategic bridgehead on the left bank of the Dnieper near Kakhovka and thus create a threat to Perekop. The White troops had to retreat to Crimea, where they went on the defensive.
In the fall of 1920, the Red Army stormed the Perekop positions of Wrangel’s army. Despite their significant numerical superiority, the Bolsheviks were unable to break through the enemy’s defenses until Makhno’s troops entered the White rear. On November 11, the Red Army broke into Crimea. By November 13, 1920, the White army and civilian refugees on ships of the Black Sea Fleet sailed from the Crimean coast to Constantinople. In total, about 150 thousand people left Crimea. S. Petliura’s troops were defeated in October 1919, and Petliura himself fled to Warsaw, where he later entered into an agreement with the Polish government on behalf of the Directory for war against Soviet Russia.
Throughout 1920, military clashes continued between Whites, Bolsheviks, Ukrainians and Poles. By the end of 1920, Soviet power was established in most of Ukraine. In October, a peace agreement was signed between Poland, the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR, and on March 18, 1921, the Riga Peace Treaty was concluded, ending the Soviet-Polish war. The western border of the Ukrainian SSR was established along the Zbruch River, Western Ukraine was part of Poland.
Territorial disputes between the Ukrainian SSR and South-East Russia
In 1920, administrative reorganizations began in the South-East of Russia. After the expulsion of Denikin and Wrangel from the territory of the Don region and the Azov region, the Tsaritsyn province was created. At the same time, Ukraine is deciding the issue of creating the Don province, intending to include part of the Donetsk coal basin, which was part of the Don region. This issue is being discussed closed, without agreement with the administration of the Don region. On January 17, 1920, the Donetsk Gubrevkom of the city of Lugansk ordered “until the economic territory of the Donetsk province is clarified and the correct distribution of the province’s districts, to temporarily approve ... 11 administrative districts that are part of the Donetsk province,” also including the territory of the Shakhtinsky district - Belo-Kalitvensky, Bokovo-Khrustalny , Aleksandro-Grushevsky districts, as well as individual settlements of the Taganrog region.
In January 1920, it was decided to transfer part of the troops to peaceful construction and create a Labor Army in Ukraine from the military units of the Southwestern Front. By resolution of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR dated January 20, the Ukrainian Council of the Labor Army was created under the chairmanship of J.V. Stalin. In April 1920, at the proposal of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine and the Ukrsovtrudarmiya, the Presidium of the All-Union Central Executive Committee of Soviets decided to form the Donetsk province from parts of the Kharkov, Yekaterinoslav provinces and the Don Army Region. The Bakhmut, Lugansk and Mariupol districts entirely departed from the Yekaterinoslav province, and the entire Taganrog district, the villages of the Donetsk district (Gundorovskaya, Kamenskaya, Kalitvenskaya, Ust-Belokalitvenskaya) departed from the Don Army Region. Lugansk became the center of the Donetsk province.
Disputes immediately arose over Taganrog. Closely associated with Rostov-on-Don, he did not want to submit to Lugansk. Taganrog played an important role in the economy of South-East Russia, primarily as a deep-water port capable of receiving sea vessels with a significant carrying capacity. In 1921, the Don Executive Committee and the Regional Economic Council of the South-East of Russia (after the territorial reform it was named the North Caucasus Territory of the RSFSR) raised the issue of returning the Taganrog, Aleksandro-Grushevsky and Kamensky districts to their jurisdiction. They put forward the following as reasons: Taganrog industry is closely connected with Rostov and southeastern industry. The Shakhty coal basin, which included the Aleksandro-Grushevsky and Kamensky districts, gave 7% of its production to the Southeast, and agricultural products were exported to Rostov. In response, the Ukrainian SSR declared the predominant Ukrainian population in these areas and the principle of the indivisibility of Donbass.
At a meeting of the Zoning Commission under the Regional Council of South-East Russia on October 8, 1921, the following proposal was made:
“The agricultural part of the Taganrog region has a direct attraction to Taganrog, and with it to Rostov, and not to the Donetsk region, annexed to Ukraine.
It is proposed to include in the Donoblast:
1. The agricultural part of the Taganrog district;
2. Grushevsky district within the old (1919) borders of the Cherkassy district;
3. Kamensky district within the former (1919) borders of the Donetsk district;
4. Yekaterinoslavskaya village (along the 1919 border of the Don District).”
However, requests from local authorities remained unanswered.
On December 30, 1922, at a conference of delegations from the Congresses of Soviets of the RSFSR, Ukrainian SSR, BSSR and TSFSR, an agreement on the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was approved. The entire territory of Donbass and Novorossiysk provinces went to Ukraine.
In December 1922, when considering the issue of zoning the RSFSR, the State Planning Committee came to the conclusion that it was necessary to form, among other economic regions, a South-Eastern Region with a center in Rostov-on-Don, and the dispute about the return of Taganrog with its adjacent territory flared up with a new by force. In April 1923, the Regional Economic Council of South-East Russia sent a letter to the NKVD asking about possible changes borders of the South-Eastern Region. The regional leadership cited economic reasons for including the Taganrog and Aleksandro-Grushevsky districts into this region. In particular, it noted that Taganrog is the only deep-water port of the Southeast on the Sea of Azov and is necessary for the economic development of Rostov, while Ukraine already has two ports on the Sea of Azov - Mariupol and Berdyansk. The South-East supplies the industry of Taganrog with raw materials and is the main consumer of its products. Thus, the Taganrog Metallurgical Plant was the largest in the region and supplied enterprises in the Southeast with iron castings, steel, boiler and roofing iron. Raw materials from the Southeast were also important for the developed oilseed and leather industries of Taganrog.
The transfer of the Alexander-Grushevsky (Shakhtinsky) and Ekaterininsky-Kamensk districts, which supplied the South-East with cheap fuel, was also discussed. The South-Eastern region claimed the return of Gundorovskaya, Kamenskaya, Karpovo-Obryvskaya, Ekaterininskaya and Kalitvenskaya volosts with a population of 102,965 people. and an area of 573,994 acres. Until May 1923, Ukraine did not even allow the thought of a possible revision of the border with the South-East of the RSFSR.
In 1923, the top party leadership announced the need to indigenize the republican party and state apparatus in order to strengthen local party power and control the situation in the republics. In Ukraine, this course was called “Ukrainization.” Indigenization was presented as a kind of “compensation” to the republican leaders for supporting the Union and showed a solution to the national question in the USSR. Thus, in the Ukrainian SSR, extensive measures have been taken to introduce the Ukrainian language in secondary and higher educational institutions, cultural and educational institutions, means mass media and office work in party and Soviet institutions were also translated into Ukrainian.
On May 22, 1923, the South-East raised the issue of Ukrainian borders with the Don region in the Presidium of the Ukrainian State Planning Committee, which adopted the following resolution: “consider the transfer of the Shakhtinsky district, covering a huge part of the entire anthracite region with the city of Taganrog, inappropriate.” “In relation to Taganrog, the State Planning Committee believes that the South-Eastern Region has a number of serious grounds to lay claim to the city of Taganrog and the agricultural part of the Taganrog District due to old trade ties with Rostov, as well as due to the commonality of the agricultural structure of the Taganrog Region with the South-Eastern Region.” Thus, Ukrgosplan recognized the validity of some claims to the Taganrog district, but was in no hurry to transfer it to the South-East. Ukrgosplan proceeded from the “class principle,” the most important for the Bolsheviks, and considered it necessary to once again “clarify the issue with the Taganrog industry and its relationship to the Donbass in connection with the political expediency of separating the peasant Taganrog region from the proletarian Donbass and annexing this region to the Rostov region.”
At the same time, the Administrative Commission of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was considering the case of annexing to Ukraine a number of volosts of the Putivl and Rylsky districts of the Kursk province, as well as the Rodionov-Neevitaysky volost of the Cherkasy district of the Don region. The local population of Putivl and Rylsk districts gravitated towards the Ukrainian SSR, citing the fact that their districts had better connections with the large cities of the Kharkov province than with Rylsk in the Kursk province. However, the Kursk authorities spoke out strongly against it. The situation with the Rodionovo-Nesvitaevskaya volost turned out to be more complicated. In 1920, the local population wished to join the RSFSR, and in 1923 - to the Ukrainian SSR, each time citing the same reasons: “there are better roads there and there are no rivers.”
On the other hand, Ukrainian leaders did not want to yield to Russia on the issue of annexing Taganrog, Aleksandro-Grushevsky and Ekaterininsky-Kamenskoye regions to the South-East of the RSFSR. At the same time, the “desire of the population” of a number of volosts of the Kursk province to join Ukraine came in very handy. At the beginning of 1923, the Ukrainian SSR put forward a project to revise the Ukrainian-Russian borders, demanding a significant part of the Kursk, Bryansk and Voronezh provinces.
In June 1923, the Presidium of the Donetsk Gubernia Executive Committee decided to recognize the opinion of Taganrog as a particularly important port city for the Don Region as unfounded. It was decided to conduct further study of the connections between the economy, industry and population of Taganrog and Donbass. In April 1924, a commission arrived in Kharkov to discuss controversial issues about annexing the Taganrog and Shakhty districts to the South-Eastern region, but the negotiations did not lead to anything.
The transfer of the Shakhtinsky District caused particular protest from Ukraine. According to experts, anthracite of this quality has not been found anywhere else in the world. All production plan Donbass was built on work in this area. In pre-war times, the Shakhty district provided 30% of anthracite production in the entire Donetsk basin. Regarding Taganrog, Ukraine reported that it plans to export grain through Taganrog as early as next year, and that its population is mainly Ukrainian. The commission adopted a resolution that the differences could not be resolved. The only positive aspect was Kharkov’s recognition of economic ties between Taganrog and Rostov. Further discussion of the issue of the borders of the South-East with Ukraine was moved to Moscow.
Also at the end of April, the Taganrog Executive Committee presented its theses on the ownership of the Taganrog District to Ukraine and Donbass. Thus, relying on the national principle, it was pointed out that the borders of the union republics are determined not by economic interests, but by the will of the population itself. The economic space of the USSR is united, since there are no customs borders between the republics. “Starting from the period of settlement of the Taganrog District, it was always part of Ukraine (first - the Novorossiysk General Government, and then the Ekaterinoslav Governorate) and only from 1887 until the revolution was part of the Don Army Region. …IN this moment there is no reason to repeat the sad experience of the tsarist government, which separated the Taganrog district from Ukraine.” This is a rather controversial statement if we remember that Taganrog was founded by Peter I as the first port on the Sea of Azov and before the founding of Sevastopol it was considered the most important Russian port. Further, these lands were called South Russian, like Novorossiya.
The Taganrog executive committee cited as evidence the Donbass census data for January-February 1923, according to which in the Taganrog district the population was Ukrainian 77%, Russian - 18%, other nationalities - 5%. Compared to the data of the All-Russian Census for 1897, the Ukrainian population increased by 24%, and the Russian population decreased by 28%. The indigenous population are the descendants of the Zaporozhye Cossacks, and only in some villages are the Russian Cossacks. Despite the fact that for 26 years the Taganrog district was separated from Ukraine by the tsarist government, natural Ukrainization took place there.
Based on the economic principle, the provincial executive committee refuted all the arguments of the South-East. Thus, he argued that the port of Taganrog has independent significance and does not depend on the South-East. The city is supplied with its own raw materials, which it receives from Ukraine (in particular, the Metallurgical Plant receives strips from Mariupol and Yuzovka, coal from Makeyevka), and not from the South-East. Likewise, oilseeds and wool were never imported, but were only exported to the Southeast, to Rostov and Nakhichevan. The enterprises existing in Tagokrug were founded before the revolution with private and foreign capital, precisely because in Taganrog they could more profitably be supplied with local fuel and raw materials. Taganrog itself, its port and district are inextricably linked with Donbass. The Mariupol port is not able to serve the Donbass, since it is located further from anthracite deposits than the Taganrog port. Thus, Taganrog cannot be torn away from Donbass, despite its geographical proximity and economic ties with Rostov. According to the provincial executive committee, the annexation of Taganrog to Rostov under the tsarist regime led only to negative results: there was a decline in the production and industrial activities of Taganrog and the district due to the strengthening of Rostov-on-Don.
Disputes between local authorities would have continued further if the top party leadership in Moscow had not gotten involved in the matter. At a meeting on July 11, 1924, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), to which the authorities of the South-East addressed, issued a resolution “to consider it desirable to annex Taganrog and the Aleksandro-Grushevsky district to the South-Eastern district, so that the transferred territory, especially with the Ukrainian population would have been cut."
On July 24, 1924, a special Commission was formed to establish the exact boundaries of the regions extending from the Ukrainian SSR to the RSFSR. The so-called Parity Commission of the Donetsk Provincial Executive Committee and the South-Eastern Regional Executive Committee was created, which oversaw the direct transfer of the territory.
At the same time, large-scale work on zoning began in the South-East of Russia, which ended at the end of 1924 with the creation of the North Caucasus District. On the territory of the future Rostov region, four districts were registered: Donskoy, Donetsk, Salsky and Morozovsky. The initial intention to annex the Taganrog and Shakhtinsky districts to the Don turned out to be unsuccessful: during the detour it turned out that all the settlements of the Taganrog district gravitate towards Taganrog, and it is impossible to manage them from Rostov. A similar situation has developed with the Shakhtinsky district. Thus, according to the new plan, the territory of the Rostov region was to be divided into 6 districts: Don, Taganrog, Shakhtinsky, Donetsk, Salsky and Morozovsky. On the eve of the party plenum in August 1924, on behalf of I.V. Stalin, members of the Central Committee and the Presidium of the Central Control Commission were sent a note from the South-East Regional Committee on the annexation of the Shakhtinsky and Taganrog districts, which had a great influence on the decision of the plenum. The fate of Taganrog was decided.
The meeting of the Parity Commission ended on October 3, 1924. At the request of representatives of both sides, it was decided to immediately begin transferring parts of the territories of the Shakhtinsky and Taganrog districts to the South-East, and October 1 was considered the legal date for the transfer of control of these districts to the South-Eastern Regional Executive Committee. So, from October 1, 1924, the Shakhtinsky, Sulinovsky, Vladimirovsky, Ust-Belokalitvensky, Leninsky, Glubokinsky, Fedorovsky, Kamensky, Nikolaevsky, Matveevo-Kurgansky, Sovetinsky districts, parts of the Alekseevsky, Ekaterininsky, Golodayevsky and Sorokinsky districts, and also the city of Taganrog. The agreement described in detail the responsibilities of the parties, and it was also decided to organize acceptance commissions in Shakhty and Taganrog.
The reaction of the peasants and Cossacks, who, as a result of the settlement of the Ukrainian-Russian border, ended up on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR, was almost the same as that of the residents of the Kursk and Voronezh provinces. Since October 1924, the USSR Central Executive Committee commission on zoning received protocols of peasant meetings of a number of village councils of the Donetsk province, which petitioned for their annexation to the RSFSR. As reasons, the peasants noted not only the economic connection with the South-East, ease of communication, etc., but also their reluctance to come to terms with the Ukrainization of schools and office work.
The exact boundaries of the part of the Shakhtinsky and Taganrog districts extending from the Ukrainian SSR to the North Caucasus region were determined by resolutions of the USSR Central Executive Committee of October 21, 1924 and July 13, 1925. Thus, during 1924-1925. The Taganrog district was returned to the South-East of Russia, with a reduced territory and population. There are 5 districts left in it: Fedorovsky, Nikolaevsky, Matveevo-Kurgansky, Sovetinsky and Golodayevsky. Krasno-Lugsky, Dmitrievsky and Amvrosimovsky districts remained in Ukraine, and Ekaterininsky ceased to exist.
In the Shakhtinsky district, the majority of party leaders did not agree to return to the RSFSR, while the workers were mainly in favor of joining the South-East. The dispute was resolved in December 1924, when the Donetsk Provincial Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine decided: “The Politburo of the Central Red Cross Communist Party reaffirmed the need to transfer the Alexander-Grushevsky district and Taganrog to the South-East. The Bureau and the Plenum of the Provincial Committee did not consider it possible to protest the second decision of the Politburo: once it was decided a second time after all the reasons against it were presented, that means full stop. ...The Politburo takes into account not only the motives of Donbass, but also the motives of a large region of the South-East and the entire political and economic situation in the entire country.”
Territorial disputes of the Ukrainian SSR and the central black earth provinces of Russia
In parallel with the issues of the borders of the Don region, issues of the borders with the central black earth provinces of the RSFSR were also resolved. On April 11, 1924, the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR issued a resolution on the creation of a special Commission for the settlement of borders between the RSFSR, Ukrainian SSR and BSSR. It included representatives of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee A. Beloborodov and M. Latsis and the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee M. Poloz and A. Butsenko, and was headed by the Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the BSSR G. Chervyakov. The Ukrainian delegation emphasized the fact that the ethnographic borders of Ukraine do not coincide with the borders of the nine provinces that were included in the Ukrainian SSR. She recalled that even during the creation of the Ukrainian SSR, the question arose about the discrepancy between the ethnographic borders and the borders of nine provinces, populated mostly by Ukrainians. Then they decided to move this issue to a later late time, when the civil war ends and the Soviet system strengthens, in order to calmly take into account all ethnographic and economic data. Now it is this question that has become decisive in the official demand of the Ukrainian side to revise the Russian-Ukrainian border. Data on the number and percentage of the Ukrainian and Russian populations in the border areas gave the dispute a national flavor
The Ukrainian SSR put forward the following project for changing the borders between the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR. From the Kursk province it was necessary to transfer
- Putivl district: Burynskaya, Gruzchanskaya, Glushetskaya, Kazachenskaya, Klepalskaya, Nikolaevskaya, Novo-Voskresenskaya, Popovo-Slobodskaya, Prigorodnaya and Uspenskaya volosts;
- Rylsky district: Glushkovskaya, Kobylskaya, Kulbakinskaya, Spagostskaya, Sukhanovskaya, Tetkinskaya volosts;
- Sudzhansky district: Belovskaya, Gontarovskaya, Zamostyanskaya, Krenichenskaya, Miropolskaya, Novo-Ivanovskaya, Ulanovskaya volosts.
- Grayvoronsky and Belgorod districts in their entirety;
- Pemskaya volost of Oboyansky district and several volosts of Novo-Oskolsky district.
From the Voronezh province - Valuysky district, Rossoshsky, Bogucharsky, partially Ostrogozhsky, Pavlovsky and Kalachevsky districts.
Ukraine also asked to give it a number of villages in the Sevsky district of the Bryansk province, a small part of the Minsk province and the Semenovskaya volost of the Novo-Zybkovsky district of the Gomel province. In exchange for the above, Ukraine proposed to transfer part of the Volyn province of the Ukrainian SSR to the Belarusian Republic.
The local Russian leadership responded unequivocally to Ukrainian claims. The Kursk gubernia plan came to the conclusion that the main feature of the disputed border territory is its ethnographic striping, which makes it difficult to resolve the issue of borders from a national point of view. The same situation was observed on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR adjacent to the Kursk province. It was also noted that along the border strip the population speaks a mixed language, transitional from Ukrainian to Russian. Therefore, when establishing an administrative boundary, one should be guided by economic characteristics. The rejection of almost half of the Kursk province according to the Ukrainian SSR project will cause serious damage to the general economy of the RSFSR. The main one for the province was the sugar industry, and the development of mining was also expected due to deposits of white chalk and the occurrence of a magnetic anomaly. Completely denying the claims of the Ukrainian side, the Kursk authorities submitted their proposal to the Border Settlement Commission for discussion. They considered it expedient to annex Novgorod-Seversky, part of the Glukhovsky and Krolevets districts of the Chernigov province to the Kursk province.
Using the slogans of Soviet national policy and the decision on indigenization, Ukrainian party leaders tried to refer to the will of the Ukrainian population, demanding annexation to the national state - the Ukrainian SSR. Although Ukrainian leaders demanded a fairly vast territory, they still hoped for success. The Ukrainian Republic was opposed only by the leadership of individual regions of the RSFSR.
The Border Settlement Commission accepted the Ukrainian project for consideration, especially noting that the basis for the settlement of borders between the republics in accordance with the principles of Soviet nationality policy must be “based on an ethnographic criterion, based on the absolute or relative majority of a particular nationality in the disputed area.” At the same time, the commission pointed out the need to also take into account the economic factor - “economic gravity in those individual cases where it is pronounced.”
It was decided to study in detail ethnographic, economic, geographical and other materials on the disputed areas. The Ukrainian side provided two historical references compiled by the most famous Ukrainian historians D. Bagalei and M. Grushevsky. Both historians substantiated Ukraine's right to own the disputed territories of Kursk, Voronezh and Bryansk provinces.
Party and government bodies in the regions bordering Ukraine referred to the protests of the population against joining the Ukrainian SSR. At congresses held at the end of 1924, it was noted that due to the national policy pursued before the revolution, the Ukrainian population was assimilating with the Russians. Moreover, when the policy of Ukrainization began in these Russian provinces, the local Ukrainian population reacted negatively to it. An attempt to introduce teaching in Ukrainian in schools failed: the peasants refused to send their children there, and there was also an acute shortage of teachers capable of teaching in this language. On the Ukrainian side of the border the situation was similar - many did not recognize themselves as Ukrainians.
Indigenization was to be carried out not only in Ukraine, but also among the Ukrainian population living compactly in the RSFSR. Officials were faced with a problem: Ukrainians in the RSFSR not only did not know the Ukrainian language, but also did not want to study it. The process of assimilation in the border areas has gone too far. An attempt to translate office work and training into Ukrainian failed due to a banal lack of specialists. While the leadership of the Kursk, Voronezh and Bryansk provinces clearly opposed the transfer of territory, the opinion of the local population was divided. Thus, it was impossible to make a decision on moving the border based only on the ethnographic factor.
The USSR Central Executive Committee commission on zoning decided to find out the opinion of “uninterested” authorities. On October 17, 1924, special requests were sent to various central departments about the advisability of transferring part of the territory of the RSFSR to Ukraine. The letters were received by the Central Statistical Directorate, People's Commissariat of Agriculture of the RSFSR, People's Commissariat for Agriculture, People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs, People's Commissariat of Internal Trade, Khleboproduct, Sakharotrest, the Supreme Economic Council of the RSFSR and the Supreme Economic Council of the USSR, Tsentrosoyuz and Narkoput. Several departments (VSNKh of the RSFSR, Tsentrosoyuz, Narkomzem, Khleboproduct) considered it inappropriate to transfer part of the territory of the RSFSR to Ukraine, the rest avoided a clear answer. The Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee decided: “In view of the request of commission members from the RSFSR about their line of conduct when considering the borders of the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR, we invite them to be guided by: 1) the national composition of the population, 2) the population’s attraction to one or another republic, 3) take into account economic considerations and 4 ) to meet the Ukrainian SSR halfway wherever this does not sharply violate the interests of the border population of the RSFSR.”
By November 1924, the Border Settlement Commission had extensive material and, in the course of hard work, identified the volosts with a predominant Ukrainian population located on the territory of the RSFSR. The technical subcommittee was also required to summarize data on the expected economic consequences of the transfer Russian territory Ukrainian SSR.
The main attention was paid to the Kursk province, since most of the territory claimed by Ukraine was part of this province. If the border was moved, the Kursk province would lose more than 50% of sugar factories, more than 64% of workers employed in the industry; in addition, it was completely deprived of the chalk, ceramic, starch-molasses, sawmill, wool, and hemp industries. Significant damage would have been caused to the peat, flour and cereal, distillery, oil and leather industries. As a result, the subcommittee came to the following conclusion: since National composition The disputed territories are extremely striped, issues must be resolved on the basis of “political considerations,” bearing in mind not only the national composition of the population of the seized territory, but also the possible economic damage to the Kursk industry.
The issue of border regulation was again considered at a meeting of the USSR Central Executive Committee commission on zoning on November 14, 1924. The issue of borders with the South-East and the BSSR was recognized as agreed upon. The difficulties in establishing the Russian-Ukrainian border in the region of the Voronezh, Kursk and Bryansk provinces were explained by the “extraordinary national interweaving”, so it was impossible to be guided only by national characteristics. When studying the economic characteristics, the commission members came to the conclusion that not only the territories claimed by Ukraine gravitate towards the RSFSR, but also part of the territory of the Ukrainian Republic also gravitates towards the RSFSR. Ukrainian wishes were not supported. The protracted consideration of the issue caused dissatisfaction on the Ukrainian side. The Ukrainian SSR demanded that the regions in the north be ceded to it, since they had made concessions in the South-East.
Summing up the results of the meeting, the chairman of the commission A. Enukidze said: “In the Ukrainian SSR there are now at least 3 million Great Russian population, so the dispute is due to the fact that some piece of the Ukrainian population will remain within the RSFSR, only because This is the Ukrainian population, of course it’s impossible. We, as republics of a single Union, cannot be based only on nationality. In the general interests of the Union, the economic factor is of the greatest, even primary importance, so that due to a purely national characteristic ... we cannot economically weaken the most important region, which is important for the entire Union.”
On November 27-28, 1924, the commission decided to transfer to Ukraine part of the territory of the Kursk province - a number of volosts of the Putivl district, the Krenichensky volost of the Sudzhansky district, the entire Grayvoronsky district, the entire Belgorod district, a number of volosts of the Korochansky district and part of the Novo-Oskol district, as well as the Semenovsky volost of Gomel province, a number of villages in the Sevsky district of the Bryansk province, Valuysky district of the Voronezh province. This compromise solution caused discontent on both the Ukrainian and Russian sides.
The Ukrainian delegation insisted that the Ukrainian Republic must be brought to its ethnographic borders and correct the incorrect delimitation of provinces before the revolution. The basis for this should be the national-ethnographic situation, as well as the economic ties of this territory with the Ukrainian SSR. The main complaints from Ukraine were expressed regarding the principle of resolving the issue chosen by the Commission - based on administrative issues, and not ethnographic ones. Ukraine demanded the annexation of areas with a Ukrainian population living there, despite the presence in Ukraine itself of large territories with Russian heritage. Mainly, the leaders of the Ukrainian SSR referred to the main principles of the national policy of the USSR, according to which the organization and unification of regions and republics occurs primarily on a national basis, as well as to the decisions of the XII Party Congress on the need for indigenization.
The RSFSR delegation was also dissatisfied with the commission’s decision and sent its own report on controversial issues to the Presidium of the USSR Central Executive Committee. “The territory seized according to the decision of the commission has a (rural) population of 901,287 people, of which 478,814 are Ukrainians. (53%), Great Russians 419,892 people. (47%) and others 1,581 people. (0%), if we include the urban population of Belgorod... Putivl, Grayvoron... then the Ukrainian population will be about half.” Referring to the striped settlement, economic features and ease of administration, the RSFSR delegation believed that only part of the declared territory could go to Ukraine. Compared to the decision of November 27-28, it was proposed to transfer only southern part Grayvoronsky district, not the entire Belgorod district, but only the southern part of the Murom volost, a number of volosts of the Putivl district, the Krinicheskaya volost of the Sudzhansky district of the Kursk province, not the entire Valuysky district of the Voronezh province, but only the Trinity volost and part of the Urazov volost, 11 villages of the Bryansk province, as well as Semenovskaya volost, Gomel province.
On January 23, 1925, the Commission of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR on the settlement of borders between the RSFSR, the BSSR and the Ukrainian SSR adopted the final version of the decision of the commission on issues of borders between the Ukrainian SSR and the RSFSR. This edition was significantly different from the November one and practically coincided with the proposal of the Russian delegation.
The border settlement project was coordinated for another six months. Finally, on October 16, 1925, the Chairman of the USSR Central Executive Committee, M. Kalinin, signed a corresponding resolution. It practically coincided with the decision of the commission, with the exception of some points: from the Putivl district of the Kursk province it was additionally decided to transfer Prigorodnaya, Novo-Goncharnaya, Novo-Slobodskaya, Shalyginskaya and Belochitskaya volosts to Ukraine. In addition, the resolution contained a clause on the inclusion of part of the Donetsk province of the Ukrainian SSR into the RSFSR. So, the RSFSR finally included Sovetinsky, Golodayevsky, Fedorovsky, Nikolaevsky (with the city of Taganrog), Matveevo-Kurgansky districts, the eastern part of the Ekaterininsky district of the Taganrog district of the Donetsk province, Shakhtinsky, Glubokinsky, Kamensky, Ust-Belkalitvensky, Lennisky, Vladimirovsky, Sulinsky districts and part of the territory of the Sorokinsky, Alekseevsky districts of the Shakhtinsky district of the Donetsk province. To transfer the territory, a Parity Commission was formed, headed by the chairman of the USSR Central Executive Committee commission on zoning S. Ter-Gabrielyan.
As in the Southeast, in the Bryansk, Kursk and Voronezh provinces, on February 1, 1926, eight local acceptance commissions were created, which included two representatives each from the Ukrainian and Russian sides. Work on the transfer of territories lasted another six months, until mid-1926.
However, the dispute over some border points continued. Only on October 24, 1928, the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR adopted a resolution according to which the villages of Znob-Trubchevskaya and Grudskoye of the Bryansk province remained within the RSFSR, and a number of border villages of the Bryansk and Kursk provinces were transferred to the Ukrainian SSR. The border between the republics of the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR was finally determined. The RSFSR achieved the annexation of Taganrog and the Shakhty region, the Ukrainian SSR received territory in the north as compensation.
We have already raised the issue of military operations in Russia more than once in the post-revolutionary period from 1917 to 1923. Question about correct name this stage of our history. About a name that would reflect the essence that bloody war.
Was there really a civil war? Yes, I was. From the moment the communists took power until the beginning of 1918. And then what happened? To understand, here is a short excerpt from “ In Soviet schools, the emphasis was on war"red" With"white". But there was MILLION interventionists from the West”:
Fought against Russia:English, Canadians, Americans, French, Algerians, Chinese, Senegalese, Italians, Greeks, Romanians, Poles, Japanese, Germans, Austrians, Hungarians, Turks, Czechs...”
Wikipedia is helpful repeats what we were taught at school. Be it in Soviet times, be it in our post-Soviet suffering reality.
„Civil war in Russia (1917-1922/1923) - a series of armed conflicts between various political, ethnic, social groups and government entities on the territory of the former Russian Empire, following the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks as a result of the October Revolution of 1917 .”
Further, Wikipedia still notes that “ On December 23, 1917, the Anglo-French agreement was concluded on the division of spheres of future military operations in Russia: the Caucasus and Cossack regions entered the British zone, Bessarabia, Ukraine and Crimea entered the French zone; Siberia and the Far East were considered as areas of interest for the United States and Japan.”
Is it true, on the total number of foreign invaders on Wikipedia not a word. They're probably embarrassed. By the way, the liberals helpfully post a table of the number of deserters from the Red Army during the war years; the sign catches the eye. And only below, again, they bashfully hid in the text the phrase that “ T The same problem of mass desertion faced the whites , as soon as they tried to mobilize on"liberated" territories ”.
So, what kind of war was this, civil or domestic against the foreign invaders of the West and the traitors of Russia who joined them?
So far, there is every reason to either distinguish two stages of this bloody war: the Civil War until the spring-summer of 1918, and then - Patriotic War 1918-1923, or even consider the war a Patriotic War.
Indeed, according to another article Wikipedia, „ The number of white armies fighting against the Red Army, according to intelligence estimates by June 1919, was about 300,000 people " And there were 1,000,000 interventionists!
Although 300 thousand for whites is a rather optimistic figure. Let's see what about the numbers They say white themselves V " Nos. 1 and 2 of the almanac "White Guard" for 1997/1998.”
„In October 1919, there were only 150 thousand bayonets and sabers in the AFSR, but this is counting the bayonets and sabers of the deep rear and rear of the active army(garrisons, troops of the internal counter-insurgency front, etc.). In October 1919, the bayonets and sabers of the fighting troops in the All-Soviet Union of Socialist Republics numbered almost 120 thousand, of which about 100 thousand were on the front against the Bolsheviks. (the rest are against Petliura, on the Georgian border and in the Terek region against the rebels of Chechnya and Dagestan). ”.
So, 100 thousand are fighting the communists, and the intervention forces are 1000 thousand!!! Here, as they say, there is something to think about: Civil or Patriotic?
For some completeness of the picture, we suggest that you familiarize yourself with interesting material that most directly interprets the difficult topic raised.
***
Almost erased from Russian history fighting troops of foreign states on our soil in 1918-1922. On the contrary, the myth of the fratricidal civil war, which the Bolsheviks allegedly unleashed, is being awakened in every possible way. For the amount of technical, human and financial resources invested, British Minister of War Churchill called Denikin’s army “my army.” “It would be a mistake to think,” he wrote in the book “World Crisis,” that during this entire year (1919 - B.S.) we fought on the fronts for the cause of Russians hostile to the Bolsheviks. On the contrary, the Russian White Guards fought for our cause!
Boris Sokolov
The military operations of foreign troops on our soil in 1918-1922 have been practically erased from Russian history. On the contrary, the myth of the fratricidal civil war, which the Bolsheviks allegedly unleashed, is being awakened in every possible way.
The events that unfolded on the territory of Russia in the first years after the October Revolution remain interesting, relevant and... little-known for us. Over vast territories there was a war with front lines, tanks, guns and warships, and behind the front lines entire partisan armies and groups of underground fighters were operating! It is known who was in the heart of the state at that time, who defended and collected it. And who was on the other side?
Was that great war civil or something else? The only way to understand (if we want this) is to study history calmly and consistently, rethinking the known and taking into account newly discovered facts.
Let's go back to those distant years... Lenin put forward his famous slogan “Let's turn the imperialist war into a civil war” in August 1914, addressing the workers and socialists of ALL warring states, implying their SIMULTANEOUS action against the imperialists - the organizers of the war (Lenin V.I. Complete collected works, 5th ed., vol. 26, pp. 32, 180, 362).
But after the victory of the October Revolution, the first decree of the Soviet government was the Decree on Peace; the cadets and Cossacks who opposed the Bolsheviks were released after being captured. And the civil war itself, the war of citizens, was very short in Russia, taking on a kind of focal, “echelon” character. It lasted from November 1917 to March 1918 and ended with the almost complete defeat of the “hotbeds of the white struggle.”
Lenin in March 1918 had every reason to write: “In a few weeks, having overthrown the bourgeoisie, we defeated its open resistance in the civil war. We marched through the victorious triumphal march of Bolshevism from end to end of a huge country” (Lenin V.I. The main task of our days. Complete collected works, 5th ed., vol. 36, p.79.).
However, then, from February to July 1918, different sides More than 1 million foreign soldiers - occupiers - entered Russian territory!
For some reason, this large-scale invasion of troops of many states on land, at sea and in the air became entrenched in history under the soft, almost gentle name “INTERVENTION,” while in fact a real war of conquest began!
In the Russian north, from the summer of 1918 to the autumn of 1919, the British, Americans, Canadians, French, Italians, and Serbs numbered about 24 thousand people at the end of 1918. From Finland and the Baltic states through Belarus, Ukraine all the way to Rostov-on-Don, from February to November 1918, the Germans and Austro-Hungarians (about 1 million people) fought. Immediately after their departure and until the end of spring 1919, French and Greek troops, numbering about 40 thousand people, continued the war in Ukraine and Crimea.
Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan were occupied from winter to autumn 1918 by Germans and Turks numbering more than 30 thousand people, then, until July 1920, they were replaced by British troops of approximately the same number. Large cities of the Volga region, Urals and Siberia were captured in the summer of 1918 by the 30,000-strong Czechoslovak Legion, which was part of the French army.
In the Far East, from the summer of 1918 to the end of 1919, the Japanese, Americans, the same Czechoslovaks, the British, the French, the Italians, in total more than 100 thousand people at the end of 1918, conducted active hostilities. Moreover, Japanese troops were evacuated only at the end of 1922!*
For the period from 1918 to 1920. The British Royal Navy alone used 238 ships and vessels of all types to conduct naval operations against Soviet Russia!*
It was foreign states that, through direct military intervention, not to mention various indirect ones, destroyed in most of the territory of Russia the de facto recognized by the people Soviet power, thereby breaking the natural course of Russian history. In the occupied territories, foreigners imposed authoritarian military regimes, carried out political repressions, and shamelessly plundered! Having put the Bolshevik government in conditions complete blockade, forced him to carry out the construction of a new society according to a rigid, military scheme. A completely different war has begun, to which the term “Patriotic” is much more suitable!
Who did the Siberian men, the Ukrainian peasants fight with...? Together? Or are the former mostly with Czechoslovaks, Japanese, Americans, British, etc., and the latter with the Germans, Austrians, Hungarians, etc.?
In secret note No. 25, approved by the Supreme Military Council of the Entente on May 2, 1918, signed by Clemenceau, Foch, Pétain, Lloyd George and other then-leaders of the Western world, about the Czechoslovak legionnaires stretching out in echelons from the Volga to Vladivostok, it was indicated that “... they could ... if necessary, facilitate the actions of the allies in Siberia.”
American researchers D. Davis and Y. Trani, in their work “The First Cold War,” based on numerous documents, show that the attack of the Czechoslovak legionnaires on Soviet power as the vanguard of the Entente interventionists was approved by US President Woodrow Wilson himself!
The Eastern Front of Soviet Russia appeared precisely “thanks to” the legionnaires who fought there in the first line from June to December 1918. A well-known but currently unpopular historical fact is that the approach of units of the Czechoslovak Legion to Yekaterinburg became the immediate reason for the execution of the former Tsar and his family. In 1919, the Czechoslovak Legion served as the backbone of the foreign occupying army on the Trans-Siberian Railway and carried out punitive and counter-guerrilla "missions".
The events of the so-called “evacuation” of Czechoslovak legionnaires from the east of Russia in the winter of 1919/1920 are little popularized: “Having captured Russian carriages, the Czechs mercilessly threw Russian people out of them, handing over to the Reds the very officers who had been drawn into the civil war by them...; ...thanks to the Czech management of the road, the artel workers could not deliver money, ...communication with the front was interrupted, all vehicles were taken away from Russian military units...; the sale of property brought in Czech trains in Harbin quite clearly depicts what interests were given preference when locomotives were taken away from trains with the wounded, sick, women and children.”
The manager of the Kolchak government, G.K., writes about these and many other “cases” of armed foreigners in Russia. Gins in his voluminous memoirs “Siberia, the Allies and Kolchak.” So isn't it time to call their descendants to repentance?
In 1919-1920, among many others, Polish troops, equipped by France, England and the United States, fought with Soviet Russia. They trampled Kyiv, Minsk, Vilno with their boots... The 12 thousandth Polish division as part of the intervention troops killed Russians even in Siberia! “Tens of thousands of Red Army soldiers who ended up in Poland... disappeared or died,” recalled Dmitry Medvedev, speaking during a press conference in Warsaw at the end of 2010. Isn't it time for Polish officials to repent for these atrocities?
Can the troops of Kolchak, Miller, Yudenich, and Denikin, predominantly forcibly mobilized and equipped at foreign expense, be considered a “Russian army”? Kolchak's rear was provided throughout 1919 by a foreign army of almost 200 thousand, consisting of Japanese, Czechoslovaks, Americans, Poles, British, Canadians, Australians, French, Italians, Serbs, Romanians! She controlled the Trans-Siberian Railway and fought with an army of 100 thousand Red partisans.
On the Kola Peninsula and Northern Dvina, it was not so much the forcibly mobilized Russians of General Miller’s Northern Army who fought, but General Ironside’s English volunteers with their ships, planes, armored trains and tanks, as well as the Americans, French and others who helped them.
Yudenich's small army was formed and equipped through the efforts of the English generals Gough and Marsh. Together with her, the Estonian army, equipped by the same British, was advancing on red Petrograd, and they were supported by the English fleet from the sea in the Baltic. In the south of Russia, under Denikin's army, a two-thousand-strong British military mission - staff officers, instructors, pilots, tank crews, and artillerymen - fought against Soviet Russia. For the amount of technical, human and financial resources invested, British Minister of War Churchill called Denikin’s army “my army.”
“It would be a mistake to think,” he wrote in the book “World Crisis,” that during this entire year (1919 - B.S.) we fought on the fronts for the cause of Russians hostile to the Bolsheviks. On the contrary, the Russian White Guards fought for our cause!
The wide foreign “trace” of those tragic events for Russia is clearly depicted by Sholokhov in “Quiet Don”. As we read, we see how an old Cossack on the Don runs away from the German occupiers who are trying to take away his chaise along with the horses, how Grigory Melekhov drinks and has a heart-to-heart with an English tankman, how the English battleship “Emperor of India” “rages” the Reds with its main battery near Novorossiysk, how Gregory goes with the Reds to the Polish front!
So what kind of war was this? Civil or unknown Patriotic?
The political and military atmosphere surrounding modern Russia forces us to turn to the almost century-old past. Let's put nearby (or open on the Internet) maps of the Russian Empire, Soviet Russia in the ring of fronts in 1918-1919, the USSR and the Russian Federation. It’s enough to look at these 4 cards to make you think sadly that the situation is repeating itself. The Baltic states are once again separated from Russia and are part of the aggressive NATO military bloc; German, British and American planes and ships are plying the Baltic space. NATO is advancing east in the Black Sea region, probing Central Asia. The Polish leadership, again taking a position unfriendly to Russia, is hosting American rocket scientists, just as it hosted American pilots in 1920. Available fresh experience Yugoslavia, which, unlike Soviet Russia, the Western powers managed to completely dismember in several steps. The almost ten-year presence of Western interventionists of the 21st century in Afghanistan and Iraq also suggests that they are “present” there not only to fight terrorists...
Without realizing the similarity of the processes and without making the appropriate conclusions, we, in conditions of economic instability, weakening of the state and army, also risk receiving a new intervention! And someone, apparently, will be like Bunin in “Cursed Days”, joyfully waiting and welcoming the invaders.
*data on the number of foreign troops are based on the books by A. Deryabin “The Civil War in Russia 1917 - 1922. Interventionist Troops” and “The Civil War in Russia 1917 - 1922. National Armies”.
After reading the article, I have an opinion about that. that now, that is, after perestroika, the Entente has won, since the goals set by the Entente interventionists have now been fulfilled, that is, the country has been turned into a raw materials appendage, industry is dying and 70% of our industry belongs to foreign companies. The country of the USSR is divided into small states. Is not it?
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