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Petrov Alexander Dmitrievich (1895, St. Petersburg -1964, Moscow) - organic chemist;

Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences (1946)

Alexander Dmitrievich Petrov was born on August 28 (16), 1895 in St. Petersburg into the family of an employee. After graduating from private school in 1913 real school A.S. Chernyaev in 1914 entered the chemical department of the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of Petrograd University, but in May 1916 he ended up at the Pavlovsk cadet military school and was soon drafted into the army.

From November 1916 to February 1917 he was an ensign in the Reserve Infantry Regiment, which was stationed in Orenburg. From February to October 1917 he was a student at the Higher Military Chemical School of Petrograd, but from November 1917 to June 1918 he was sent to the Caucasian Front as the head of an anti-gas detachment. In September 1918 he volunteered for the Red Army, from where he was sent to the Petrograd branch of the Higher Chemical School, and from September 1923 to September 1926 he was already a teacher in the department of organic and technical chemistry at the Military Technical Academy of the Red Army in Leningrad.

All the vicissitudes of wartime did not prevent A.D. Petrov graduated from Petrograd University (1923), completing thesis in physical chemistry in the laboratory of Professor M.S. Vrevsky.

In 1925-1930 HELL. Petrov worked as an intern, junior, and then senior researcher at the Chemical Association of the USSR Academy of Sciences, as well as in the Laboratory high pressures USSR Academy of Sciences (Leningrad), which at that moment was headed by Academician V.N. Ipatiev. From 1930 until the end of his life he headed the hydrocarbon laboratory at the Institute organic chemistry them. N.D. Zelinsky Academy of Sciences of the USSR, with whom he moved to permanent place residence in Moscow (later the laboratory was renamed the Laboratory of Pyrogenic Processes, and then the Laboratory of Hydrocarbon Chemistry).

In 1931-1932 worked part-time as director of the Leningrad Shale Institute.

In March 1935 A.D. Petrov was awarded his dissertation without defending it academic degree Doctor of Chemical Sciences for research on catalysis in high temperatures and pressures, in January 1936 he was confirmed with the academic rank of professor in the department of organic chemistry.

December 4, 1946 A.D. Petrov was elected corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences in the Division of Chemical Sciences (organic chemistry, chemistry of motor fuels).

Simultaneously with his work at the USSR Academy of Sciences, A.D. Petrov was engaged in teaching activities. From 1934 he taught and from 1936 to 1948 he was a professor and head of the department of organic chemistry at Gorky state university; from 1943 to 1964 - was a professor at the Moscow Institute of Chemical Technology named after. DI. Mendeleev, heading the Department of Liquid Fuel, and since 1954 - the Department of Petrochemical Synthesis.

During a number of pre-war years A.D. Petrov, on behalf of the Presidium of the USSR Academy of Sciences, was a scientific consultant to the chemical institutes of the branches of the USSR Academy of Sciences in Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia. In the 1950s, he was the chairman of the Interdepartmental Commission for the development and coordination of research in the field of replacing food fats in technology with synthetic materials, and a member of the editorial board of the journal “Chemistry and Technology of Fuels and Oils.” In the 1960s A.D. Petrov was a member of the Council on the problem of “Surfactants” of the Committee of the Council of Ministers of the USSR for the coordination of scientific research work, was a member of the Scientific and Technical Council and a member of the section organic synthesis State Committee USSR Council of Ministers in Chemistry, member of the Scientific Council of the USSR Academy of Sciences in complex problem“Friction in vacuum and lubricants; was involved in the examinations of the USSR State Planning Committee. Member of the editorial board of the academic journal "Petrochemistry" (1961).

The main works are devoted to the synthesis and transformations of hydrocarbons and silicon hydrocarbons. Discovered (1932) the catalytic reaction of hydrodimerization, or cross-polymerization, of acetylene with a 70% yield of isobutylene. He studied the mechanism of low-temperature catalytic polymerization of alkenes and polymerization in quiet discharges. Identified the patterns of catalytic transformations of α-alkenes into branched ones. Synthesized (1940-1952) model hydrocarbons with a branched structure. Participated in the creation of new types of fuels and oils. Developed a method for producing isobutyl benzene. Created (1955-1960) a method for high-temperature synthesis of organosilicon monomers.

Petrov A.D. has the following awards: Stalin Prize, 2nd degree (1947) and the Prize of the USSR Academy of Sciences. S.V. Lebedev (1947), two prizes of the All-Union Chemical Society named after. DI. Mendeleev (1943, 1962). Awarded the Order of Lenin (1953), the Order of the Red Banner of Labor (1945) and medals.

Member of the Russian Physical-Chemical, German, French and American Chemical Societies; Member of the International Society for Fats and Detergents.

Family: wife - Lyudmila Nikolaevna Petrova, sons - Alexander (b. 1924) and Dmitry (b. 1927)


Petrov, Alexander Dmitrievich

Privy Councilor, writer, famous Russian chess player; came from nobles, b. in 1794. P. was educated in St. Petersburg, at the Pedagogical Institute, and on October 12, 1808, he entered the service of “the general racketeer affairs” (now the Commission of Petitions), where in 1809 he was promoted to clerk and in 1814. - provincial secretary. Upon the abolition of the racketeering general affairs, A.D. was assigned, on April 6, 1816, to the office of the Senate, on October 17, 1817, he was appointed to the 1st Department for chief prosecutor's affairs, on December 31 of the same year, he was promoted to collegiate secretaries, and on May 14, 1818, he was transferred to the Office of the Secretary of State to accept petitions submitted to the Highest Name. Here, on March 23, 1819, he was promoted to titular councilor, received several distinctions, and on March 8, 1831, he was promoted to court councilor and appointed senior assistant to the ruler of the Chancellery. From July 16 to August 25, 1832, P. corrected the position of ruler of the Chancellery; in 1833 (March 5) he was awarded the Order of St. Anna 2nd Art. with the imperial crown, on April 4th he was approved as the clerk of the Office of the Secretary of State for the 4th expedition, and on June 4th of the same year he took over the management of the 5th expedition, on May 29, 1834 - the 3rd, 14th February 1835 - March 2, March 10 of the same year he was granted the position of collegiate adviser and approved as clerk of the 2nd expedition; finally, from September 17 to November 17, 1835, P. corrected the post of ruler of the Chancellery and on February 19, 1838 he was awarded the Order of St. Vladimir 3rd degree. In 1840, on March 10, A.D. was dismissed from the Chancellery at the request, and on June 16, by a resolution of the Council of Management of the Kingdom of Poland, he was appointed to fill the position of vice-director of the General Administration department of the Government Commission of Internal Affairs, and on April 9, 1841 g. confirmed in the position of vice-director. On December 29, 1842, he was approved as an assistant secretary of state, on June 22, 1844, he was awarded the rank of state councilor, on November 24, 1845, he was appointed a member of the Committee for drawing up a new distribution of positions by class in the Kingdom of Poland, 24 On October 1, 1846, he was appointed a member of the Council of the Alexandrinsky Institute for Economic Affairs, and on April 4, 1848, he was awarded the rank of full state councilor. From 1849 to 1854, P. served as Chairman of the Council of the Alexandrinsky Institute; on March 9, 1854, he was awarded the Order of St. Anna 1st degree, on April 18 of the following year he was dismissed from his position as a member of the Council of the Alexandrinsky Institute for economic matters and retained the rank of honorary member of the Institute. In 1855 (October 18), P. was appointed a member of the Main Board of Trustees of charitable institutions, and on July 14, 1859 he was entrusted with the duties of a member of the economic department at the Alexandrinsky Institute; in addition, from 1842 to 1861, he annually served on the Committee for the preparation of a general report on the management of the Kingdom of Poland, from 1850 he published the address-calendar of the Kingdom, and in 1847 and 1849-1853, during the sovereign’s stay in Warsaw, he was a member member of the Committee to consider all the petitions. On January 5, 1862, upon request, he was dismissed from the post of Assistant Secretary of State under the Council of Management.

Petrov died with the rank of Privy Councilor on April 10 (22), 1867 in Warsaw, where he was buried in the Wola cemetery.

Petrov gained wide fame as a chess player and received the nickname “Russian Philidor”. His grandfather, Art. Alx. Petrov, at the end of the 18th century. was also considered almost the first chess player in St. Petersburg; Already in the 1820s, A.D. Petrov was famous for his games and competed with all the amateurs in St. Petersburg; rumors of his masterful, brilliant games even spread abroad, where special magazines devoted space to their presentation. According to Mr. Makarov, “no one better than P. understood the style of Filidorov’s game, his ability to act with pawns, strengthen them in the center and use them to decide the battle; his game was often enlivened by the most brilliant sacrifices.” He enriched the theory of chess with several studies; one debut bears his name to this day, and P.'s part with Hoffmann enjoys worldwide fame. There is a legend that during P.’s stay abroad in 1863, the best players of the time, Morphy and Kalish, refused to compete with the “Russian Philidor.”

In addition to two books: “The Chess Game, Put in a Systematic Order, with the Addition of Philidor’s Games and Notes on Them” (St. Petersburg, 1824, 2 hours) and “A Guide to a Thorough Knowledge of the Chess Game” (St. Petersburg, 1827. ), Petrov owns big number articles related to the game of chess in general and special magazines; let's name the following: "Scenes from the life of chess players (true anecdote)" - in "Otech. Zap." 1844 (vol. XXXVI, department VIII, pp. 81-87; translated into French under the title: "Scènes de la vie d"un amateur d"èchecs. Fragment d"une biographie authentique)" in the magazine " Palamède" 1845, pp. 67-75 and in English in the collection of chess stories "Chess for Winter Evenings, by H. E. Agnel. New York, 1848); “Scenes from the life of chess players” - in “Illustration” 1845, No. 10; articles on the Bishop Gambit in "Sonntagsblätter von M. Lange" 1849, p. 324 and 1885, p. 271; "Der Talisman. Schach-Legende. Dem Originale des russishen Meisters A. Petroff nacherzählt (ibid. 1861, Nos. 27, 28, 30-32); "Das Vierschach mit Festungen. Aus dem russischen übersetzt von C. F. Jaenisch (ibid. 1850, p. 377); then many articles in Mikhailov’s Chess Sheet for 1859-1868. (for example: “P.’s answer to the article of Prince S.S. Urusov,” 1860, No. 16; “ Brief essay my chess life" 1860, No. 22; "Memoirs" - 1861, No. 29; "A note regarding one of the games included in the Leaf" - 1861, No. 38; " Short description fourth chess game with fortresses" - 1862, No. 44; "On a new defense against Muzio's gambit" - ibid., No. 45; "A strange incident with my grandfather" - 1863, No. 59; "Memories of Alexander Hoffmann" - 1863, No. 60 and many others, finally, “From the notes of A.D. Petrov” - in “World Illustration” 1873 (vol. IX, p. 195) and “The Tale of the Greek King Palamedes, how he fought with the Persian king and how he was checkmated" - in "Chess List" 1879, No. 9-10, pp. 262-267 (article written in 1847). In "Russian Antiquity" 1890 ( vol. LХVI, pp. 702-704) P.’s letter to I. L. Turkul about the death of Prince Paskevich was published.

Formal list for 1862 (according to the grandson); "Warsaw Diary" 1867, No. 83; "World Illustration" 1871, No. 23 (with a portrait); "Chess Sheet" 1880, Nos. 7 and 8, p. 199 (with a portrait); "Chess. Leaf." 1859-1863, 1881, No. 23, pp. 55-61: “The name and games of A. D. Petrov”; Brockhaus Dictionary, vol. XXIII (article by A. Makarov); Notes of N.V. Berg in "Russian Antiquity" 1879, vol. XXIV.

(Polovtsov)

Petrov, Alexander Dmitrievich

The most famous Russian chess player († in 1867), considered to have no equal in Russia. His "Chess Game" (St. Petersburg, 1824) was the second original Russian work on this subject. From 1840 P. lived in Warsaw, occupying different senior positions. His brilliant games back in the 1930s earned him the nickname “Russian Philidor.” No one better than P. understood the style of Philidor's game, his ability to act with pawns; strengthen them in the center and use them to decide the battle; his play was often enlivened by the most brilliant donations. Petrov visited abroad only once, in 1863, but did not play with the first players: Morphy and Kolisch, who were in Paris at that time, avoided competing with him. Many interesting articles by P. and chess stories were published in “Notes of the Fatherland” of the 40s and in Mikhailov’s “Chess Sheet”, 1859-62. His chess problems (mostly multi-move reverse checkmates) are distinguished by their intricacy and wit. He enriched the theory of chess with several studies: one opening still bears his name. P.'s game with Hoffmann is world famous.

A. Makarov.

(Brockhaus)

Petrov, Alexander Dmitrievich

[R. 16 (28) Aug. 1895] - Sov. organic chemist, corresponding member USSR Academy of Sciences (since 1946). Graduated from Petrograd in 1922. univ. Since 1943 - prof. Moscow chemical-technological in-ta. Basic works are devoted to research in the field of organic. synthesis. He carried out syntheses of hydrocarbons various structures, which are part of motor fuels, patterns have been established that connect the composition and structure of these hydrocarbons with their properties; syntheses have been carried out and the properties of a previously little-studied class of substances - silicon hydrocarbons - have been studied. Laureate Stalin Prize (1947).

Op. . : Paths of development of organic synthesis. Industry of organic synthesis of aliphatic compounds, M.-L., 1943; Chemistry of motor fuels, M., 1953.

Petrov, Alexander Dmitrievich

(28.VIII.1895-31.I.1964)

Sov. Organic chemist, corresponding member. USSR Academy of Sciences (since 1946). R. in St. Petersburg. Graduated from Petrograd University (1922). In 1925-1934 he worked at the Laboratory of High Pressures of the USSR Academy of Sciences (Leningrad), from 1934 at the Institute of Org. chemistry of the USSR Academy of Sciences (as part of the same laboratory, transferred to Moscow in connection with the move from Leningrad of Academic Sciences). Simultaneously with 1943 prof. Moscow Chemical Technology Institute. in-ta.

The works are devoted to the synthesis and transformations of hydrocarbons and silicon hydrocarbons. He discovered (1932) the catalytic hydrodimerization (or cross-polymerization) of acetylene with a 70% yield of isobutylene. He studied the mechanism of low-temperature catalytic polymerization of alkenes and polymerization in quiet discharges. Identified the patterns of catalytic transformations of unbranched α-alkenes into branched ones. Synthesized (1940-1952) model hydrocarbons with a branched structure. Participated in the creation of new types of fuels and oils. Developed a method for producing isobutylbenzene. Created (1955-1960) a method for high-temperature synthesis of organosilicon monomers.

State USSR Prize (1947).

Petrov, Alexander Dmitrievich

He graduated from MUZHVZ in 1873 with the title of class. thin arch. In 1873-85 - office. architect Moscow palace office. In 1887 a part was appointed. architect He had a small private practice. In 1918 he was appointed assistant. archivist in the department of permits for private construction.

Source: RGALI, f. 680, op. 1, d. 247; Central Historical Archive of Moscow, f. 179, op. 45, no. 14054; op. 50, no. 6265.

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The day of December 21st is approaching, associated with memorable date 130th anniversary of the birth of I.V. Stalin. In this regard, we have already read and heard a lot of things and will hear and read even more in the coming week. I would also like to speak on this topic.

Here’s what’s interesting: my generation grew up in complete ignorance about the personality and role of Stalin. IN school curriculum according to history, it was spoken about rather mutely, mostly it was a few lines about the 20th Congress - that the party condemned the cult of personality. In the history of the CPSU it is approximately the same. It was said about Khrushchev that he was a voluntarist, but we ourselves remembered something about him, for example, numerous jokes. There were few jokes about Stalin. The elders hardly remembered Stalin either. In general, it must be said that Soviet society in the 60s and 70s did not really live in the past - they thought more about the future. The only thing I can remember is my grandmother’s story about how during the evacuation a cook named Dzhugashvili worked with her in the dining room. He said that he was a distant relative of Stalin, and was very offended by him. The fact is that my grandmother was taken from Moscow to the north, to Kotlas, by the husband of my grandfather’s sister, who served in the Gulag. This was the territory of the camp and the village for its guards, where civilians, like my grandmother (she cleaned there), exiles, like the German Kolya, who was sent to Kotlas only because of his nationality, and criminals, among them, worked in one canteen. this Dzhugashvili. He was imprisoned for hacking to death the chairman of his collective farm with an ax, but he believed that Stalin could have helped him in a related way. They gave him something like 10 years. His dream was to go out and kill Stalin with an ax. Nobody interfered in this sibling squabble. The beautiful Marusya also worked there, killing her husband. The cook, Uncle Vanya, was also a killer. I have a photo of the entire staff of this wonderful canteen. The grandmother there is young, beautiful, her mouth is full of beautiful white teeth. After her stay in Kotlas, they fell out of scurvy, and for the remaining 52 years she wore dentures. And Uncle Seryozha, the husband of my mother’s aunt, was soon sent to the front for some offense, where he reached Berlin, despite shell shock and wounds. And so he respected Stalin very much and hated Khrushchev, despite the fact that he himself was a crest.

The attitude towards Stalin was approximately the same as towards Voldemort in Harry Potter: whose name cannot be said out loud. Still would! All the monuments, and there were a lot of them, were removed, the portraits were scraped off the metro walls, the names were changed. And the films did not show where he was - neither documentaries nor fiction. Books about him were not republished. The only place Where Stalin was remembered was Georgia. Everyone who came there was very surprised by this. It was a real sensation when he was shown in some film, it seems, in “Liberation.”

They started talking about Stalin during Perestroika, starting with the novel “Children of the Arbat,” where Stalin smoked a pipe, thought a lot to himself about who else he should kill among his old friends, and always went to bed in socks. Rybakov was especially proud of this last detail, saying that he did not know that Stalin actually did this, but simply entered into his image to such an extent that he imagined how southern man It’s cold in Moscow, and I wrote about it. Apparently, he believed that since he had guessed correctly with the socks, he was not mistaken in the other one either. But there was no ideological assessment of Stalin’s role - it was considered established that Stalin was wrong because he deviated from the Leninist norms of party leadership.

And only after 1991 Stalin began to return in earnest, and the further he went, the more so. They began to ask questions that were unthinkable before: who is Stalin - a villain or a hero? Was he right or wrong? And these questions divided the country into 2 parts.

It must be said that the liberals were the first to start. Nobody asked them to remember Stalin with an unkind word from morning to night and accuse us of being Stalinists, etc. If you turn on “Echo of Moscow” at any time of the day, then within 5 minutes you will hear this name. Especially if Svanidze or Mlechin are there. No matter how much you brush it off, don’t turn it off, something remains, and gradually the absurdity of the accusations gets to you: all these 50-70 million killed, etc. Moreover, at the same time they tell you what caught fire there, drowned here, and there’s nothing good to expect from anywhere . And so people looked at the figure of Stalin differently.

So, who is Stalin? There is nothing stupider than to say that Stalin is an effective manager. They say that they wrote this in some teacher’s manual that no one has seen. But the liberals repeated this so many times that they all remembered it. They repeated with indignation - this is what it has come to! Truly a disgrace! What kind of manager is Stalin? He was the leader. And the leader is not your manager.

Liberals also like to say that Stalin was a tyrant. A tyrant is a person who has usurped power; people hate him and try to overthrow him. But no one encroached on Stalin’s power, they loved him, they could not imagine their life without him.

In Stalin's time they said that Stalin is Lenin today. During Perestroika this was precisely refuted, and today Lenin and Stalin are contrasted, only with a different sign. Previously, the advantage was on Lenin's side, now it is on Stalin's side. But Stalin constantly talked about himself as a student of Lenin and a continuer of his work. Why don't we believe Stalin? After all, he himself probably knew better whose student and successor he was? And Lenin taught that the subject of history is the people.

At one time, Joseph Vissarionovich himself also said that Stalin is not him, Stalin is the USSR. I think that by this he wanted to say that he was the kind of leader that the people of the USSR needed in order to build the state that they had. It was a state built on a fundamentally different basis than everything before it and its field. In it, property belonged to the state, and therefore to everyone. (It was later that the enemies of the USSR said that “the state is nobody’s”). It was the same with power. What is the purpose of power in the state? Protect property and owner. In the USSR, property belonged to the state - and it was the government that protected it. Why was the government so tough? Because there was probably no other way to preserve the property. I think this was due precisely to the nature of property in a socialist state - since it belongs to everyone, it is more people who want to appropriate it for themselves. The number of these people is potentially equal to the number of potential owners. The authorities in those states where they protect the property of the upper class are also very cruel to those who want to appropriate it, to the same revolutionaries.

So, this was a period when the people had not yet become disillusioned with such a state; they themselves considered it necessary to observe the necessary cruelty against their own erring members. “We are such a people that we need to be stricter with us.” People saw the benefit of everyone building together new life so that improvement occurs steadily, for everyone at once. Roughly speaking, to keep them warm in winter, they did not build a personal stove in their house, did not buy a heater, but first built a thermal power plant, installed a centralized heating system, and then warmed themselves by the radiators.

I believe that the people have a collective mind and a sense of self-preservation. Then people knew that there would soon be a war, that they had to hurry, and they temporarily abandoned dreams of a beautiful and calm life. Stalin was their leader precisely because he was the best at mobilizing people for work and heroism.

Surprisingly Lately liberals began to give Stalin credit as a leader who carried out modernization. When they begin to wonder what they would have done if they had been in his place at that time, they have nothing else to offer.

So, 1924. After the Civil War, the country is in ruins. There is no industry, traditions have been destroyed, but the people have stockpiles of weapons, these are no longer peaceful peasants - almost every one of them knows how to fight and kill. In the cities there is a mass of lumpen population, a lot of criminals, especially since the Provisional Government managed to release all the hardened criminals. However, they would have fled to war anyway. How many offended representatives of the former ruling classes are left? What about the nationalists? And what, that spy and terrorist networks were not created abroad, that there was no angry diaspora of emigrants of all stripes? And foreign governments, didn’t they hate the USSR? And you will assure that Soviet power were there any enemies?

But Stalin urgently needs to carry out modernization. Recreate and re-create the heavy, and especially the defense industry. They do not give loans to the USSR. Our only export product then was grain. But in the fields distributed to the peasants in accordance with the Decree on Land, not much grows. The village lacks equipment, high-quality grain, breeding cattle, etc. There is a normal stratification into large owners and outsiders. In 50 years, large latifundia would probably have formed again, and the peasants left without land would have become agricultural workers or gone to the city. And there, from small industries, you see, large ones would start up. But, excuse me, that’s not why we made the socialist revolution, we fought, and there was no time to wait. Stalin carried out collectivization, forming large farms from above. And they already contain tractors, high-quality grain and breeding cattle. Hospitals, schools, kindergartens, and cultural clubs are built on collective farms. But, most importantly, the grain was exported, and factories began to be built with the proceeds. Do you think the peasants were glad that their land was taken away from them again? Yes, they only supported the Reds for her sake. Some went to the city - at first this was not prevented, since personnel were needed for industry, others protested, especially, of course, those who were considered wealthy. I already wrote that these were not peaceful villagers, but men with weapons who survived the Civil War. So they were repressed. In total there was repression, i.e. moved with his family to Siberia, about 5% of all peasants. In percentage terms this is not much, but in absolute numbers it is a lot. The only surprising thing is that today, no matter who you look at, everyone’s great-grandfathers were kulaks, and no one’s were poor people, or even descendants of those who carried out these repressions. (This is for those who admit that they are from peasants. The rest of us are more from princes).

Further, the ruling elite continued to debate about how the country should develop further; there was a fierce struggle for power. This was not the time to start a discussion. Stalin treated his opponents harshly, but they also did not take others into account in their time. The new cadres who came to replace the old ones only strove to appropriate part of the public property for themselves. They got a little lazy - they were already building a two-story apartment with marble, etc. Both shoddy work and laziness were considered theft. All this was followed by punishment, which is now called repression. Was it possible to do without mass repressions? Don't know. Then they couldn't. Previously, it seemed to me that it was possible, but now, when I look at everything that is happening around me, it already seems to me that if it was so then, it would have been difficult to resist. Did they go too far with the repressions? Certainly. But I don’t like it when everything that Stalin, and now the USSR as a whole, did, comes down only to repression.

Then the people got tired. They wanted Perestroika, a market economy. Got. I must admit that if there is the will of the people, then this is correct. Another question is that then the people, in my opinion, wanted to survive, but now they want to die, but that is their right. But still people are more fair than our Westerners. They do not separate Stalin from themselves and believe that he did what was necessary then. And enough of cursing him.

Was Stalin a terrible tyrant or was he a good leader and a great visionary? The selection presents the memoirs of the Chief of the General Staff of the USSR Armed Forces, Army General Sergei Matveevich Shtemenko.

I am counting primarily on the young reader (19-25 years old), because the majority of the adult generation has nothing to tell or explain on this topic...

From the first book, “The General Staff during the War,” 1975, I selected some points characterizing Stalin as the leader of a huge country, as a person, as a commander and as common man. Read and draw your own conclusions...

Comrade Ivanov... that’s what I.V. was called during the war. Stalin.
Let `s start…

I. Moment from the report of Antonov A.I. (First Deputy Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army):

Sit down and write a directive to Vatutin, Stalin ordered me (stenographed by S.M. Shtemenko). - Send a copy to Comrade Zhukov.
He himself armed himself with a red pencil and, walking along the table, dictated the first phrase:
- "Events last days have shown that you have not taken into account the experience of the past and continue to repeat old mistakes both in planning and in carrying out operations."
This was followed by a pause - Stalin collected his thoughts. Then, as they say, in one breath, a whole paragraph was dictated:
- “The desire to attack everywhere and to capture as much territory as possible without consolidating success and firmly securing the flanks of attack groups is an offensive of an indiscriminate nature. Such an offensive leads to the dispersal of forces and means and makes it possible for the enemy to strike at the flank and rear of our far advanced ones and not flanked groups."
The Supreme Commander stopped for a minute and read what was written over my shoulder. At the end of the phrase he added in his own hand: “and beat them piece by piece.” Then the dictation continued:
- “Under such circumstances, the enemy managed to reach the rear of the 1st Tank Army, located in the Alekseevka, Kovyagi area; then he struck the open flank of the 6th Guards Army formations that reached the Otrada, Vyazovaya, Panasovka line, and finally, using your carelessness, the enemy on August 20 launched a strike from the Akhtyrka area to the southeast against the rear of the 27th Army and the 4th and 5th Guards Tank Corps.

The Supreme Commander stopped again, read what was written, crossed out the words “taking advantage of your carelessness” and then continued:
“I am once again forced to point out to you the inadmissibility of the mistakes you have repeatedly repeated during operations, and I demand that the task of eliminating the enemy’s Akhtyrka group, as the most important task, be completed in the coming days.
You can do this because you have enough funds.
I ask you not to get carried away with the task of covering the Kharkov bridgehead from Poltava, but to focus all your attention on the real and specific task - the liquidation of the Akhtyrka enemy group, because without the liquidation of this enemy group, serious successes of the Voronezh Front became impossible."
At the end of the last paragraph, Stalin ran his eyes over it, again from behind my shoulder, strengthened the meaning of what was written by inserting the word “scatter” after “Please not” and ordered the final text to be repeated out loud.
“Please don’t waste your time, don’t get carried away with the task of coverage...” I read.
The Supreme nodded his head affirmatively and signed the paper. A few minutes later the telegram went to the front.

II. Lunch with Stalin at the Near Dacha:

I.V. Stalin then followed very closely the events on the approaches to the Baltic states. Antonov and I had to go to him with a report at the “Near Dacha” more often than usual. One day we got there just at lunchtime (Stalin dined at 9-10 pm, and sometimes later). The Supreme Commander quickly resolved all the issues and invited us to his dining room. This happened more than once, and my memory recorded some interesting details.
Stalin's dinner, even a very large one, always took place without the services of waiters. They only brought everything they needed to the dining room and silently left. Cutlery, bread, cognac, vodka, dry wines, spices, salt, some herbs, vegetables and mushrooms were placed on the table in advance. As a rule, there were no sausages, hams or other snacks. He did not tolerate preservatives.
The first dinner dishes in large bowls were located somewhat to the side on another table. There were also stacks of clean plates.
Stalin approached the containers, lifted the lids and looked in, saying out loud, but not addressing anyone:
“Yeah, soup... And here’s the soup... Here’s the cabbage soup... Let’s pour in the cabbage soup,” and he poured it himself, and then carried the plate to the dining table.
Without any invitation, each of those present did the same, regardless of their position. They poured themselves whatever they wanted. Then they brought a set of second courses, and everyone also took from them what they liked best. Of course, they drank little, just one or two glasses. For the first time, Antonov and I didn’t drink at all. Stalin noticed this and, smiling slightly, said:
- The General Staff officers can also have a glass.
Instead of a third, there was often tea. They poured it from a large, boiling samovar, which stood on the same separate table. The teapot with tea leaves was heated on the burner.
The conversation during lunch was predominantly of a business nature, touching on the same issues of war, the work of industry and Agriculture. Stalin did most of the talking, and the others only answered his questions. Only on rare occasions did he allow himself to touch on some abstract topics.
Later, when I was Chief of the General Staff, I had to be at Stalin’s dinner table not only in Moscow, but also in the south, where we were called to report during his vacation. The informal table ritual remained exactly the same there.

So: By 8 o’clock in the evening, the leadership of the General Staff was invited to the Kremlin... ...In conclusion, I.V. stood up. Stalin addressed everyone present:
- Comrades, allow me to raise one more, final toast. I would like to raise a toast to the health of our Soviet people, and above all to the health of the Russian people.
The audience responded to this with shouts of “hurray” and stormy applause.
“I drink,” Stalin continued, “first of all to the health of the Russian people because they are the most outstanding nation of all the nations that make up the Soviet Union.”
I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people because in this war they have earned general recognition as the leading force of the Soviet Union among all the peoples of our country.
I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people, not only because they are a leading people, but also because they have a clear mind, persistent character and patience.
Our government made many mistakes; we had moments of despair in 1941-1942, when our army retreated, left our native villages and cities in Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Leningrad region, the Baltic states, the Karelo-Finnish Republic, left because there was no other way out. Another people could say to the government: you have not lived up to our expectations, go away, we will install another government that will make peace with Germany and provide us with peace. But the Russian people did not agree to this, because they believed in the correctness of their government’s policy and made sacrifices to ensure the defeat of Germany. And this is the trust of the Russian people Soviet government turned out to be the decisive force that ensured the historical victory over the enemy of humanity - over fascism.
Thanks to him, the Russian people, for this trust!
For the health of the Russian people!

P.S. The victory banner, hoisted on the Reichstag, was ordered to be delivered to Moscow with special military honors in June 1945. On the morning of June 19, the head of the political department of the 3rd Shock Army, Colonel F.Ya. Lisitsyn at the Berlin airfield solemnly presented it to junior sergeant Kantaria, sergeant Egorov, captains Samsonov and Neustroev. On the same day they arrived at the capital's Central Airfield. Here the Victory Banner was met by the honor guard of the Moscow garrison with the standard bearer, Hero of the Soviet Union, Senior Sergeant F.A. Shkirev and two assistants, Heroes of the Soviet Union, Guard Sergeant Major I.P. Panyshev and Sergeant P.S. Mashtakov.

I.V. Stalin delivers a report on the 24th anniversary of the Great October Revolution socialist revolution. Moscow, November 6, 1941

Now let me explain what I meant.
Considering the great wealth of information that says that Stalin destroyed many people in the Gulags, I still want to note some points that were deposited in my memory after reading materials about him:
A) A fighter - for a long time he was in the ranks of, so to speak, resistance to the tsarist regime, which leaves a certain imprint;
B) During his life he did not show any excesses - neither in clothing, nor in technology, nor in any special wealth;
C) And indeed - after Stalin’s death it turned out that he had nothing - absolutely nothing;
D) The Supreme Commander-in-Chief in the Second World War - he personally took part in the development of documents, plans and some operations, and it seems to me that he gave very effective military advice to his subordinates;
D) Raised for short term country from a lying position to an attention position;
E) Until our time, all great buildings are the merit of his time. And we can continue...

Now according to the text above:

I. In the text of the telegram at this point:
“Under such circumstances, the enemy managed to get out... Vyazovaya, Panasovka, and finally, using your carelessness, the enemy on August 20 launched a strike from the Akhtyrka area to the southeast against the rear of the 27th Army, 4th and 5th Guards Tank Corps.
As a result of these enemy actions, our troops suffered significant and unjustified losses, and a favorable position for defeating the Kharkov enemy group was lost."
Stalin crossed out the words “taking advantage of your carelessness” and the telegram went on without these words.
What I wanted to say is that it seems to me that Stalin did not get personal here, did not focus on the fact that this was some kind of personal mistake of Vatutin... If Stalin had been a tyrant, on the contrary, he would have focused attention on this.

II. The moment of lunch at the "Near Dacha" - there are no waiters, everyone pours themselves and serves them themselves. You can say like the war and all that - what kind of waiters are there! But Shtemenko goes on to say that this was always the case when he went to dinner with the Supreme Commander.

III. Stalin's toast at the Victory celebration. Here we can say that these are pretentious words in their purest form... but! If we throw away all the conventions, it turns out like this: the speaker was a Georgian by nationality, I don’t know whether it was from a piece of paper (I think it’s unlikely from a piece of paper), but the words were spoken from the heart, as Georgians say toasts - I know.
Then the words about “... that the Russians are the most outstanding nation of all the nations that make up the Soviet Union and that they have a clear mind, persistent character and patience...”, he said exactly knowing this - there was something and with whom to compare, at least in your environment.
Also the part where he says “Another people could have told the government: you have not lived up to our expectations, go away, we will install another government that will make peace with Germany and provide us with peace. But the Russian people did not agree to this...” said with focusing on those moments from military reports that talked about the personal courage of an individual. Stalin knew exactly what was in the Russian soul and apparently studied it thoroughly. Apparently all this was deposited on him.

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