This now almost unused abbreviation was once known to every child and was pronounced almost with reverence. Central Committee of the CPSU! What do these letters mean?
About the name
The abbreviation we are interested in means, or more simply, Central Committee. Considering the importance of the Communist Party in society, its governing body could well be called the kitchen in which fateful decisions for the country were “cooked.” Members of the CPSU Central Committee, the main elite of the country, are the “cooks” in this kitchen, and the “chef” is the General Secretary.
From the history of the CPSU
The history of this public entity began long before the revolution and the proclamation of the USSR. Until 1952, its names changed several times: RCP(b), VKP(b). These abbreviations reflected both the ideology, which was clarified each time (from workers' social democracy to the Bolshevik Communist Party), and the scale (from Russian to all-Union). But the names are not the point. From the 20s to the 90s of the last century, a one-party system functioned in the country, and the Communist Party had a complete monopoly. The Constitution of 1936 recognized it as the governing core, and in the main law of the country of 1977 it was even proclaimed the guiding and guiding force of society. Any directives issued by the CPSU Central Committee instantly acquired the force of law.
All this, of course, did not contribute to the democratic development of the country. In the USSR, inequality of rights along party lines was actively promoted. Even small leadership positions could only be applied for by members of the CPSU, who could be held accountable for mistakes along party lines. One of the most terrible punishments was deprivation of a party card. The CPSU positioned itself as a party of workers and collective farmers, so there were quite strict quotas for its recruitment with new members. It was difficult for a representative of a creative profession or a mental worker to find himself in the party ranks; The CPSU monitored its national composition no less strictly. Thanks to this selection, the really best did not always end up in the party.
From the party charter
In accordance with the Charter, all activities of the Communist Party were collegial. In primary organizations, decisions were made at general meetings, in general, the governing body was a congress held every few years. A party plenum was held approximately every six months. The Central Committee of the CPSU in the intervals between plenums and congresses was the leading unit responsible for all party activities. In turn, the highest body that led the Central Committee itself was the Politburo, headed by the General (First) Secretary.
The functional responsibilities of the Central Committee included personnel policy and local control, expenditure of the party budget and management of the activities of public structures. But not only. Together with the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, he determined all ideological activities in the country and resolved the most important political and economic issues.
It is difficult for people who have not lived to understand this. IN democratic country where a number of parties operate, their activities are of little concern to the common man - he remembers them only before the elections. But in the USSR the leading role of the Communist Party was even emphasized constitutionally! In factories and collective farms, in military units and in creative teams The party organizer was the second (and in importance often the first) leader of this structure. Formally, the Communist Party could not manage economic or political processes: for this there was a Council of Ministers. But in fact, the Communist Party decided everything. No one was surprised by the fact that the most important political problems and five-year plans for economic development were discussed and determined by party congresses. The Central Committee of the CPSU directed all these processes.
About the main person in the party
Theoretically, the Communist Party was a democratic entity: from the time of Lenin until the last moment, there was no unity of command in it, and there were no formal leaders. It was assumed that the secretary of the Central Committee was just a technical position, and the members of the governing body were equal. The first secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee, or rather the RCP(b), were indeed not very noticeable figures. E. Stasova, Y. Sverdlov, N. Krestinsky, V. Molotov - although their names were well-known, these people had nothing to do with practical leadership. But with the arrival of I. Stalin, the process went differently: the “father of nations” managed to crush all power under himself. A corresponding position also appeared - Secretary General. It must be said that the names of party leaders changed periodically: the General Secretaries were replaced by the First Secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee, then vice versa. WITH light hand Stalin, regardless of the title of his position, the party leader at the same time became the main person of the state.
After the death of the leader in 1953, N. Khrushchev and L. Brezhnev held this post, then for a short period the position was occupied by Yu. Andropov and K. Chernenko. The last party leader was M. Gorbachev, who was also the only President of the USSR. The era of each of them was significant in its own way. If Stalin is considered by many to be a tyrant, then Khrushchev is usually called a voluntarist, and Brezhnev is the father of stagnation. Gorbachev went down in history as the man who first destroyed and then buried a huge state - the Soviet Union.
Conclusion
The history of the CPSU was academic discipline, mandatory for all universities in the country, and every schoolchild in the Soviet Union knew the main milestones in the development and activities of the party. Revolution, then civil war, industrialization and collectivization, victory over fascism and the post-war restoration of the country. And then virgin lands and space flights, large-scale all-Union construction projects - the history of the party was closely intertwined with the history of the state. In each case, the role of the CPSU was considered dominant, and the word “communist” was synonymous with a true patriot and simply a worthy person.
But if you read the history of the party differently, between the lines, you get a terrible thriller. Millions of repressed people, exiled peoples, camps and political murders, reprisals against undesirables, persecution of dissidents... We can say that the author of every black page Soviet history- Central Committee of the CPSU.
In the USSR they loved to quote Lenin’s words: “The party is the mind, honor and conscience of our era.” Alas! In fact, the Communist Party was neither one nor the other, nor the third. After the 1991 coup, the activities of the CPSU in Russia were banned. Is the Russian Communist Party the successor to the All-Union Party? Even experts find it difficult to explain this.
On April 3, 1922, a seemingly ordinary event occurred. The General Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) was elected. But this event changed the course of history Soviet Russia. On this day he was appointed to this post. Lenin by that time was already seriously ill, and Joseph Stalin tried by hook or by crook to gain a foothold in his post. There was no consensus in the party about what to do next. The revolution won, power strengthened. And then what? Someone said that it was necessary to stimulate the World Revolution in every possible way, others said that socialism can win in one particular country and therefore it is not at all necessary to fan the world fire. The new Secretary General took advantage of the disagreement in the party and, having gained almost unlimited power into his hands, began to gradually clear the way for himself to dominate the huge power. He mercilessly eliminated political opponents, and soon there was no one left capable of objecting to him.
The period of Joseph Stalin's reign is a huge layer of our history. He stood at the helm of 30 for long years. And what years? What has not happened in our history over the years? And the restoration of the economy after the anarchy of the civil war. And giant construction sites. And the threat of enslavement in World War II, and new buildings in the post-war years. And this all fit into these thirty years of Stalin’s rule. A whole generation of people grew up under him. These years are all exploring and researching. You can have different attitudes towards Stalin’s personality, his cruelty, and the tragedy of the country. But this is our story. And our great-grandmothers and great-grandfathers in old photographs, for the most part, still do not seem unhappy.
WAS THERE AN ALTERNATIVE?
Stalin's election as General Secretary occurred after the XI Congress (March - April 1922), in which Lenin, for health reasons, took only a fragmentary part (he was present at four of the twelve meetings of the congress). “When at the 11th Congress... Zinoviev and his closest friends nominated Stalin for General Secretary, with the ulterior motive of using his hostile attitude towards me,” Trotsky recalled, “Lenin, in a close circle objecting to the appointment of Stalin as General Secretary, made his famous phrase: “I don’t recommend it, this cook will only cook spicy dishes”... However, the Petrograd delegation led by Zinoviev won at the congress. The victory was all the easier for her because Lenin did not accept the battle. He did not carry his resistance to Stalin's candidacy to the end only because the post of secretary had a completely subordinate importance in the conditions of that time. He (Lenin) himself did not want to attach exaggerated importance to his warning: as long as the old Politburo remained in power, the General Secretary could only be a subordinate figure.”
Having arrived at the post of General Secretary, Stalin immediately began to widely use methods of selecting and appointing personnel through the Secretariat of the Central Committee and the Accounting and Distribution Department of the Central Committee subordinate to it. Already in the first year of Stalin’s activity as Secretary General, the Uchraspred made about 4,750 appointments to responsible positions.
At the same time, Stalin, together with Zinoviev and Kamenev, began to rapidly expand the material privileges of the party’s leadership. At the XII Party Conference, held during Lenin’s illness (August 1922), for the first time in the history of the party, a document was adopted that legitimized these privileges. We are talking about the conference resolution “On the financial situation of active party workers,” which clearly defined the number of “active party workers” (15,325 people) and introduced a strict hierarchization of their distribution into six categories. Members of the Central Committee and Central Control Commission, heads of departments of the Central Committee, members of regional bureaus of the Central Committee and secretaries of regional and provincial committees were to be paid at the highest level. At the same time, the possibility of a personal increase in their salaries was discussed. In addition to high wages all of these workers were to be “provided with housing (through local executive committees), in relation medical care(through Narkomzdrav), in relation to the upbringing and education of children (through Narkompros),” and the corresponding additional natural benefits had to be paid from the party fund.
Trotsky emphasized that already during Lenin’s illness, Stalin increasingly acted “as an organizer and educator of the bureaucracy, and most importantly: as a distributor of earthly goods.” This period coincided with the end of the bivouac situation during the Civil War. “The more sedentary and balanced life of the bureaucracy gives rise to the need for comfort. Stalin, who himself continues to live relatively modestly, at least from the outside, masters this movement towards comfort, he distributes the most profitable posts, he selects top people, rewards them, he helps them increase their privileged position.”
These actions of Stalin responded to the desire of the bureaucracy to throw off the harsh control in the field of morality and personal life, the need for which was mentioned by numerous party decisions of the Leninist period. The bureaucracy, increasingly embracing the prospect of personal well-being and comfort, “respected Lenin, but felt too much of his puritanical hand. She was looking for a leader in her own image and likeness, first among equals. They said about Stalin... “We are not afraid of Stalin. If he starts to get arrogant, we’ll remove him.” A turning point in the living conditions of the bureaucracy occurred since Lenin’s last illness and the beginning of the campaign against “Trotskyism.” In every political struggle on a large scale, one can, in the end, open up the question of steak.”
Stalin's most provocative actions to create illegal and secret privileges for the bureaucracy at that time still met resistance from his allies. Thus, after the adoption of a Politburo resolution in July 1923 to make it easier for the children of senior officials to enter universities, Zinoviev and Bukharin, who were on vacation in Kislovodsk, condemned this decision, saying that “such a privilege will close the way for the more talented and introduce elements of caste. No good."
Compliance to privileges, the willingness to take them for granted meant the first round in the everyday and moral degeneration of the partyocracy, which was inevitably to be followed by a political degeneration: the willingness to sacrifice ideas and principles for the sake of preserving one’s posts and privileges. “The ties of revolutionary solidarity that embraced the party as a whole were replaced to a large extent by ties of bureaucratic and material dependence. Previously, it was only possible to win supporters with ideas. Now many have begun to learn how to win supporters with positions and material privileges.”
These processes contributed to the rapid growth of bureaucracy and intrigue in the party and state apparatus, which Lenin, who returned to work in October 1922, was literally shocked by. In addition, as Trotsky recalled, “Lenin sensed that, in connection with his illness, still almost elusive threads of a conspiracy were woven behind him and behind me. The Epigones have not yet burned bridges or blown them up. But in some places they were already sawing down beams, in some places they were quietly placing pyroxylin blocks... Going into work and noting with increasing anxiety the changes that had taken place over ten months, Lenin for the time being did not mention them out loud, so as not to aggravate relations. But he was preparing to give the “troika” a rebuff and began to give it on certain issues.”
One of these issues was the question of the monopoly of foreign trade. In November 1922, in the absence of Lenin and Trotsky, the Central Committee unanimously adopted a decision aimed at weakening this monopoly. Having learned that Trotsky was not present at the plenum and that he did not agree with by decision, Lenin entered into correspondence with him (five letters from Lenin to Trotsky on this issue were first published in the USSR only in 1965). As a result of the concerted actions of Lenin and Trotsky, a few weeks later the Central Committee reversed its decision as unanimously as it had previously adopted it. On this occasion, Lenin, who had already suffered a new blow, after which he was prohibited from correspondence, nevertheless dictated a letter to Trotsky to Krupskaya, which said: “It was as if it was possible to take the position without firing a single shot with a simple maneuverable movement. I propose not to stop and continue the offensive..."
At the end of November 1922, a conversation took place between Lenin and Trotsky, in which the latter raised the issue of the growth of apparatus bureaucracy. “Yes, our bureaucracy is monstrous,” Lenin picked up, “I was horrified after returning to work...” Trotsky added that he means not only state, but also party bureaucracy and that the essence of all difficulties, in his opinion, lies in the combination of state and party bureaucracy and in the mutual concealment of influential groups gathering around the hierarchy of party secretaries.
After listening to this, Lenin posed the question point blank: “So you propose to open a struggle not only against state bureaucracy, but also against the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee?” The Organizing Bureau represented the very center of the Stalinist apparatus. Trotsky replied: “Perhaps it turns out like this.” “Well,” Lenin continued, clearly pleased that we had named the essence of the issue, “I propose to you a bloc: against bureaucracy in general, against the Organizing Bureau in particular.” "WITH a good man It’s flattering to conclude a good bloc,” Trotsky replied. In conclusion, it was agreed to meet some time later to discuss the organizational side of this issue. Previously, Lenin proposed creating a commission under the Central Committee to combat bureaucracy. “Essentially, this commission,” Trotsky recalled, “was supposed to become a lever for the destruction of the Stalinist faction, as the backbone of the bureaucracy...”
Immediately after this conversation, Trotsky conveyed its contents to his like-minded people - Rakovsky, I.N. Smirnov, Sosnovsky, Preobrazhensky and others. At the beginning of 1924, Trotsky told about this conversation to Averbakh (a young oppositionist who soon went over to the side of the ruling faction), who in turn conveyed the contents of this conversation to Yaroslavsky, and the latter apparently reported it to Stalin and the other triumvirs.
IN AND. LENIN. LETTER TO THE CONGRESS
December 24, 22 By the stability of the Central Committee, which I spoke about above, I mean measures against a split, insofar as such measures can be taken at all. For, of course, the White Guard in “Russian Thought” (I think it was S.S. Oldenburg) was right when, firstly, he bet in relation to their game against Soviet Russia on the split of our party and when, secondly , staked this split on the most serious disagreements in the party.
Our party relies on two classes and therefore its instability is possible and its fall is inevitable if an agreement could not take place between these two classes. In this case, it is useless to take certain measures or even talk about the stability of our Central Committee. No measures in this case will be able to prevent a split. But I hope that this is too distant a future and too incredible an event to talk about.
I mean stability as a guarantee against splits in the near future, and I intend to examine here a number of considerations of a purely personal nature.
I think that the main ones on the issue of sustainability from this point of view are such members of the Central Committee as Stalin and Trotsky. The relations between them, in my opinion, constitute more than half the danger of that split, which could have been avoided and the avoidance of which, in my opinion, should be served, among other things, by increasing the number of members of the Central Committee to 50, to 100 people.
Comrade Stalin, having become Secretary General, concentrated immense power in his hands, and I am not sure whether he will always be able to use this power carefully enough. On the other hand, Comrade Trotsky, as his struggle against the Central Committee in connection with the issue of the NKPS has already proven, is distinguished not only by his outstanding abilities. Personally, he is perhaps the most capable person in the real Central Committee, but he is also overly self-confident and excessive passion purely administrative side of the matter. These two qualities of the two outstanding leaders of the modern Central Committee can inadvertently lead to a split, and if our party does not take measures to prevent this, then a split may come unexpectedly. I will not further characterize other members of the Central Committee by their personal qualities. Let me just remind you that the October episode of Zinoviev and Kamenev, of course, was not an accident, but that it can just as little be blamed on them personally as non-Bolshevism was on Trotsky. Among the young members of the Central Committee, I would like to say a few words about Bukharin and Pyatakov. These, in my opinion, are the most outstanding forces (of the youngest forces), and regarding them one should keep in mind the following: Bukharin is not only the most valuable and greatest theoretician of the party, he is also rightfully considered the favorite of the entire party, but his theoretical views are very with doubt they can be classified as completely Marxist, because there is something scholastic in him (he never studied and, I think, never fully understood dialectics).
25.XII. Then Pyatakov is a man of undoubtedly outstanding will and outstanding abilities, but he is too keen on administration and the administrative side of things to be relied upon in a serious political matter. Of course, I make both of these remarks only for the present time, on the assumption that both of them outstanding and dedicated workers will not find an opportunity to replenish their knowledge and change their one-sidedness.
Lenin 25. XII. 22 Recorded by M.V.
Addendum to the letter dated December 24, 1922. Stalin is too rude, and this shortcoming, quite tolerable in the environment and in communications between us communists, becomes intolerable in the position of General Secretary. Therefore, I suggest that the comrades consider a way to move Stalin from this place and appoint another person to this place, who in all other respects differs from Comrade. Stalin has only one advantage, namely, more tolerant, more loyal, more polite and more attentive to his comrades, less capriciousness, etc. This circumstance may seem like an insignificant detail. But I think that from the point of view of protecting against a split and from the point of view of what I wrote above about the relationship between Stalin and Trotsky, this is not a trifle, or it is such a trifle that can become decisive.
Due to the stampede that occurred during his coronation, many people died. Thus, the name “Bloody” was attached to the kindest philanthropist Nikolai. In 1898, caring for world peace, he issued a manifesto calling on all countries in the world to completely disarm. After this, a special commission met in The Hague to develop a number of measures that could further prevent bloody clashes between countries and peoples. But the peace-loving emperor had to fight. First in the First World War, then the Bolshevik coup broke out, as a result of which the monarch was overthrown, and then he and his family were shot in Yekaterinburg.
The Orthodox Church canonized Nikolai Romanov and his entire family as saints.
Lvov Georgy Evgenievich (1917)
After February revolution became Chairman of the Provisional Government, which he headed from March 2, 1917 to July 8, 1917. Subsequently he emigrated to France after the October Revolution.
Alexander Fedorovich (1917)
He was the chairman of the Provisional Government after Lvov.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (Ulyanov) (1917 - 1922)
After the revolution in October 1917, in a short 5 years, a new state was formed - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922). One of the main ideologists and leader of the Bolshevik revolution. It was V.I. who proclaimed two decrees in 1917: the first on ending the war, and the second on the abolition of private land ownership and the transfer of all territories that previously belonged to landowners for the use of workers. He died before the age of 54 in Gorki. His body rests in Moscow, in the Mausoleum on Red Square.
Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin (Dzhugashvili) (1922 - 1953)
General Secretary of the Central Committee communist party. A totalitarian regime and a bloody dictatorship were established in the country. He forcibly carried out collectivization in the country, driving peasants into collective farms and depriving them of property and passports, essentially resuming serfdom. At the cost of hunger he arranged industrialization. During his reign, massive arrests and executions of all dissidents, as well as “enemies of the people,” were carried out in the country. Most of the country's intelligentsia perished in Stalin's Gulags. He won the Second World War, defeating Hitler's Germany with his allies. Died of a stroke.
Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev (1953 - 1964)
After Stalin's death, having entered into an alliance with Malenkov, he removed Beria from power and took the place of General Secretary of the Communist Party. He debunked Stalin's personality cult. In 1960, at a meeting of the UN Assembly, he called on countries to disarmament and asked to include China in the Security Council. But foreign policy The USSR has become increasingly tough since 1961. The agreement on a three-year moratorium on nuclear weapons testing was violated by the USSR. The Cold War began with Western countries and, first of all, with the United States.
Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev (1964 - 1982)
He led a conspiracy against N.S., as a result of which he was removed from the position of General Secretary. The time of his reign is called “stagnation”. Total shortage of absolutely all consumer goods. The whole country is standing in kilometer-long queues. Corruption is rampant. Many public figures, persecuted for dissent, leave the country. This wave of emigration was later called the “brain drain.” L.I.'s last public appearance took place in 1982. He hosted the Parade on Red Square. That same year he passed away.
Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov (1983 - 1984)
Former head of the KGB. Having become the General Secretary, he treated his position accordingly. During working hours, he prohibited the appearance of adults on the streets without good reason. Died of kidney failure.
Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko (1984 - 1985)
No one in the country took the appointment of the seriously ill 72-year-old Chernenok to the post of General Secretary seriously. He was considered a kind of “intermediate” figure. Most he spent his reign of the USSR in Central Clinical hospital. He became the last ruler of the country to be buried near the Kremlin wall.
Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev (1985 - 1991)
The first and only president of the USSR. He began a series of democratic reforms in the country, called “Perestroika”. He rid the country of the Iron Curtain and stopped the persecution of dissidents. Freedom of speech appeared in the country. Opened the market for trade with Western countries. Stopped the Cold War. Honored Nobel Prize Mira.
Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin (1991 - 1999)
Twice elected to the presidency Russian Federation. The economic crisis in the country caused by the collapse of the USSR exacerbated contradictions in political system countries. Yeltsin's opponent was Vice President Rutskoi, who stormed the Ostankino television center and the Moscow City Hall and launched a coup d'état, which was suppressed. I was seriously ill. During his illness, the country was temporarily ruled by V.S. Chernomyrdin. B.I. Yeltsin announced his resignation in his New Year's address to the Russians. He died in 2007.
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin (1999 - 2008)
Appointed by Yeltsin as acting President, after the elections he became the full-fledged president of the country.
Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev (2008 - 2012)
Protégé V.V. Putin. He served as president for four years, after which V.V. became president again. Putin.
Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev, General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, President of the USSR
(born 1931)
Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev is probably one of the most popular Russian citizens in the West today and one of the most controversial figures in public opinion within the country. He is called both a great reformer and the gravedigger of a great power - the Soviet Union.
Gorbachev was born on March 2, 1931 in the village of Privolnoye, Krasnogvardeisky district, Stavropol Territory, into a peasant family. During the Great Patriotic War, I had to live under German occupation for four and a half months. There was a Ukrainian (or Cossack) detachment in Privolnoye, and there were no reprisals against the residents. Being in the occupied territory did not in any way hinder his subsequent career. In 1948, he and his father worked on a combine harvester and received the Order of the Red Banner of Labor for their success in harvesting. In 1950, Gorbachev graduated from school with a silver medal and entered Moscow University at the Faculty of Law. As he later admitted: “I had a rather vague idea of what jurisprudence and law were at that time. But the position of a judge or prosecutor appealed to me.”
Gorbachev lived in a hostel, barely making ends meet, although at one time he received an increased scholarship as an excellent student, and was a Komsomol activist. In 1952, Gorbachev became a party member. One day at a club he met a student of the Faculty of Philosophy, Raisa Titarenko. In September 1953 they got married, and on November 7 they played a Komsomol wedding.
Gorbachev graduated from Moscow State University in 1955 and, as secretary of the Komsomol organization of the faculty, achieved assignment to the USSR Prosecutor's Office. However, just then the government adopted a closed resolution prohibiting the employment of law school graduates in the central bodies of the court and prosecutor's office. Khrushchev and his associates believed that one of the reasons for the repressions of the 30s was the dominance of young, inexperienced prosecutors and judges who were ready to carry out any instructions from the leadership. So Gorbachev, whose two grandfathers suffered from repression, unexpectedly became a victim of the struggle with the consequences of the cult of personality. He returned to the Stavropol region and decided not to get involved with the prosecutor’s office, but got a job in the regional Komsomol as deputy head of the agitation and propaganda department. In 1961, he became the first secretary of the regional committee of the Komsomol, the following year he switched to party work, by 1966 he had risen to the rank of first secretary of the Stavropol city committee, and graduated in absentia from the local agricultural institute (a specialist agrarian diploma was useful for advancement in the predominantly agricultural Stavropol region). On April 10, 1970, Gorbachev became the first secretary of the “sheep land” communists. Anatoly Korobeinikov, who knew Gorbachev from his work in the regional committee, testifies: “Even in the Stavropol region, he told me, emphasizing his hard work: not only with your head, but also with your ass, you can do something worthwhile... Working, as they say, “without a break,” Gorbachev and his closest He forced his assistants to work in the same regime. But he only “chased” those who were transporting this cart; he had no time to bother with others.” Already at that time, the main drawback of the future reformer appeared: accustomed to working day and night, he often could not get his subordinates to conscientiously carry out his orders and implement large-scale plans.
In 1971, Gorbachev became a member of the CPSU Central Committee. Two circumstances played a significant role in Gorbachev’s future career. Firstly, his relative youth at the time of joining the highest party nomenklatura: Gorbachev became the first secretary of the regional committee at the age of 39. Secondly, the presence in the Stavropol region of the Caucasian Mineral Waters resorts, where members of the Politburo often came for treatment and relaxation. The head of the KGB, Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov, who himself was from Stavropol and suffered from kidney disease and diabetes, especially loved these places. Gorbachev received the party leaders very well and was remembered by them from the very beginning. the best side. It is possible that the issue of Gorbachev’s promotion to Moscow was previously resolved on September 19, 1978, when at the station Mineral water met General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, who was traveling by train to Baku from Moscow, Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko, in charge of the party office, Yu.V. Andropov and Gorbachev. Just in July, after the death of Fyodor Davidovich Kulakov, the post of Secretary of Agriculture became vacant, to which Gorbachev was appointed. Andropov and Chernenko contributed to his nomination. In 1979, Gorbachev became a candidate member, and in 1980, a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. The post of Secretary of Agriculture in the Central Committee itself was a penalty. As is known, agriculture in the USSR was constantly in crisis, which party propaganda tried to explain by “unfavorable weather conditions.” Therefore, from the post of Secretary of Agriculture, as well as from the corresponding ministerial post, most often they were sent either as an ambassador to some secondary country, or directly into retirement. But Gorbachev had a huge advantage. In 1980, he was only 49 years old, and he was the youngest member of the Politburo, whose average age had long exceeded 60. Andropov, Chernenko, and Brezhnev himself already at that moment looked at Gorbachev as the future head of the party and state, but only after yourself.
When Brezhnev died in November 1982, Andropov replaced him, and Chernenko became the “crown prince” - the second person in the party, taking the post of second secretary, responsible for ideology and presiding over meetings of the secretariat of the Central Committee. But Andropov’s illness turned out to be more fleeting than that of Chernenko, who became general secretary in February 1984. Gorbachev smoothly moved to the post of second secretary. When Chernenko's health deteriorated significantly in the fall of 1984, Gorbachev actually performed his duties.
In March 1985, after the death of K.W. Chernenko, Gorbachev was elected Secretary General Central Committee of the CPSU. In the first months and even years in power, Gorbachev’s views were not fundamentally different from the views of his Politburo colleagues. He even intended to rename Volgograd to Stalingrad for the 40th anniversary of the victory, but the idea was abandoned due to its obvious odiousness, especially for international public opinion.
At the April 1985 plenum of the Central Committee, Gorbachev proclaimed a course towards restructuring and accelerating the development of the country. These terms themselves, which appeared in the last months of Chernenko’s life, became widespread only the following year, after the one that took place in February 1986. XXVII Congress of the CPSU. Gorbachev named glasnost as one of the conditions for the success of transformations. This was not yet full-fledged freedom of speech, but at least the opportunity to talk about the shortcomings and ills of society in the press, although without affecting the members of the Politburo. The new Secretary General did not have a clear reform plan. Gorbachev had only the memory of Khrushchev’s “thaw”, at the very beginning of his ascent to the party Olympus. There was also a belief that the calls of leaders, if the leaders were honest and the calls were correct, within the framework of the existing administrative-command (or party-state) system could reach the rank and file and change life for the better. Probably, Mikhail Sergeevich hoped that, while remaining the leader of a socialist country, he could win respect in the world, based not on fear, but on gratitude for reasonable policies, for refusing to justify the totalitarian past. He believed that new political thinking must triumph. By such thinking Gorbachev understood the recognition of priority universal human values above class and national, the need to unite all peoples and states for a joint solution global problems facing humanity. But Mikhail Sergeevich carried out all the transformations under the slogan “More democracy, more socialism.” But his understanding of socialism gradually changed.
It was in May 1985 that he for the first time openly acknowledged the slowdown in the growth rate of the Soviet economy and proclaimed a course towards restructuring and acceleration. Having visited the West and made sure that the people there lived an order of magnitude better than in the USSR, the new Secretary General decided that it was possible to introduce a number of Western values and the Soviet Union would finally catch up with America and other Western states in terms of living standards. The Brezhnev-Andropov-Chernenko generation was sent into retirement, and was replaced by people of Gorbachev’s generation. It is not for nothing that perestroika was later called the revolution of second secretaries against first secretaries. The youth, stranded in the second echelon of the nomenklatura, resolutely demanded a place in the sun. A massive “changing of the guard,” like the one carried out by Stalin in 1937–1938, can take place relatively painlessly for its architects (but not for the victims) only in a well-functioning totalitarian system. Gorbachev, at the same time, reformed the system and changed the top leadership. As a result, the power of publicity began to be used to criticize officials still in power. Gorbachev himself used this method to quickly free himself from the conservatives.
The Secretary General did not expect that glasnost, having escaped from control, would lead to the beginning of uncontrollable political processes in society. Gorbachev increasingly leaned towards the social democratic model. Academician Stanislav Shatalin claimed that during the discussion of the “500 days” program he managed to turn the Secretary General into a convinced Menshevik. However, Gorbachev abandoned communist dogmas too slowly, only under the influence of the increasingly anti-communist mood of society. Unlike glasnost, where it was enough to order the weakening and, in the end, actually abolish censorship, other initiatives, such as the sensational anti-alcohol campaign, which was a combination of administrative coercion with propaganda, did more harm than good. At the end of his reign, Gorbachev, having become president, tried to rely not on the party apparatus, like his predecessors, but on the government and a team of assistants. Gorbachev’s defeat in the battle with Yeltsin, who relied on “popular opinion,” was predetermined.
Former US President Richard Nixon, who first met Gorbachev in 1986, recalled: “During my first meeting with Gorbachev, I was strongly impressed by his charm, intelligence, and determination. But what is most memorable is his self-confidence... Gorbachev knew that the Soviet Union was superior to the United States in the most powerful and accurate strategic weapon - ground-launched intercontinental missiles. Unlike Khrushchev and Brezhnev, he was so confident in his abilities that he was not afraid to admit his weaknesses. He seemed to me to be as firm as Brezhnev, but more educated, more prepared, more skillful and not so openly pushing any idea.” At the same time, Gorbachev, it seems, did not yet realize that the Soviet advantage in ground-based ICBMs was worth nothing. After all, the United States stopped the large-scale quantitative buildup of its nuclear missile potential since the late 1960s, limiting itself to its qualitative improvement. After all, the guaranteed destruction of a potential enemy had long been achieved, and it did not matter at all whether the USSR or the USA could be destroyed 10 or 15 times.
Gorbachev, trying to reform Soviet society, decided not to take the path of creating and adopting a new constitution, but to improve the old one by introducing fundamental amendments to it. On December 1, 1988, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR approved the laws “On Amendments and Additions to the Constitution (Basic Law) of the USSR” and “On the Election of People’s Deputies of the USSR.” The highest authority was declared to be the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, which met twice a year in session. From among its members, the Congress elected the Supreme Council, which, like Western parliaments, worked on a permanent basis. For the first time in Soviet history, alternative candidates were allowed to be nominated in elections. At the same time, a significant part of the Congress deputies (one third) were not elected in majoritarian (territorial) electoral districts, but were actually appointed on behalf of the CPSU, trade unions and public organizations. Formally, it was believed that within the framework of these organizations and associations, deputies were elected, but in fact, both trade unions and the overwhelming majority of public organizations were under the control of the Communist Party and basically sent people pleasing to its leadership to the Congress. However, there were exceptions. Thus, after a long struggle, the famous dissident Academician Andrei Sakharov was elected as a deputy from the USSR Academy of Sciences. Quite a few opposition deputies attended the congress under the quotas of creative unions. At the same time, many secretaries of regional committees of the CPSU lost elections in majoritarian districts.
Gorbachev also gradually opened up opportunities for private property and entrepreneurial activity. In 1988–1990, the creation of cooperatives in trade and services, as well as small and joint industrial enterprises and commercial banks was allowed. Often, representatives of the party and Komsomol nomenklatura, representing the younger generation, and former officers of the KGB and other intelligence services became entrepreneurs and bankers.
In 1988–1989, Gorbachev brought out Soviet troops from Afghanistan. In 1989, the anti-communist revolutions in Eastern Europe swept away the pro-Soviet regimes there. With his coming to power, an accelerated process of normalizing relations with the West and ending the Cold War began. There was no longer any need to maintain a gigantic army (in fact, according to wartime standards). In 1989, a decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Council was issued “On the reduction of the Armed Forces of the USSR and defense spending during 1989–1990.” The service life was reduced to one and a half years in the army and 2 years in the navy, and the number of personnel and weapons was reduced.
In 1989, Gorbachev allowed the first parliamentary elections in the USSR with alternative candidates. In the same year, he was elected chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. In March 1990, the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, the only government body vested with the right to change the constitution, abolished its 6th article, which spoke about the leading role of the CPSU in Soviet society. At the same time, the post of President of the USSR - head of the Soviet state - was introduced. Gorbachev was elected the first president of the USSR by the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR on an uncontested basis. He began to concentrate the main power within the framework of the presidential rather than party structure, subordinating the Cabinet of Ministers of the USSR as president. However, he was never able to create a viable mechanism within the Soviet Union executive power independent of the party apparatus. In December 1990, at the IV Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, the powers of the president were significantly expanded. The head of state received the right not only to appoint the prime minister, but also to directly manage the activities of the government, transformed into the Cabinet of Ministers. Under the president, the Federation Council and the Security Council were created as permanent bodies, performing mainly advisory functions. The Federation Council, consisting of the heads of the union republics, coordinated the activities of the highest bodies of government of the Union and the republics, monitored compliance with the Union Treaty, ensured the participation of the republics in resolving issues of national importance and was called upon to facilitate the resolution of interethnic conflicts in the USSR, as well as increasingly growing conflicts between the republics and the union center. All these constitutional changes meant the transformation of the USSR into a presidential republic, where the president actually received all the powers that the general secretary previously possessed (Gorbachev retained this post as president). However, it was not possible to consolidate the presidential republic in the USSR due to the acute confrontation between the union center and the republics.
In 1990, President Gorbachev was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to promote international cooperation. In April 1990, Gorbachev agreed with the leaders of 10 of the 15 union republics to work together on a draft of a new Union Treaty. However, it was never possible to sign it. In the conditions of democratization, an alternative center of power was created - the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR and the President of the RSFSR (Boris Yeltsin was elected to this post in June 1991), based on the broad democratic opposition. The confrontation between the Union and Russian authorities led to an attempted military coup and the actual collapse of the USSR in August 1991, with the legal termination of the existence of the Soviet state in December of the same year.
On December 25, 1991, Gorbachev resigned as president of the USSR. Since January 1992, he has been president of the International Public Foundation for Socio-Economic and Political Science Research (Gorbachev Foundation).
Gorbachev’s indecisiveness and his desire for a compromise between conservatives and radicals led to the fact that economic transformations never began, and a political settlement of interethnic contradictions that ultimately destroyed the Soviet Union was not found. However, history will never answer the question of whether someone else in Gorbachev’s place could have preserved the unpreservable: the socialist system and the USSR. In the 1996 presidential elections, Gorbachev did not even collect 1 percent of the vote. IN last years, after the death of his beloved wife Raisa Maksimovna, whom he grieved very hard, Gorbachev largely withdrew from active involvement in politics.
Gorbachev's historical merit lies in the fact that he ensured a “soft” collapse of totalitarianism and the collapse of the Soviet Union, which was not accompanied by large-scale wars and inter-ethnic clashes, and ended the Cold War.
From the book August Putsch (causes and consequences) author Gorbachev Mikhail SergeevichMikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev August putsch (causes and consequences) TO THE READER The August events continue to be of keen interest to our and the world community. Serious attempts are being made to analyze the course and meaning of what happened, the reasons
From the book Purely Confidential [Ambassador to Washington under six US presidents (1962-1986)] author Dobrynin Anatoly FedorovichDeath of Brezhnev. Yu. Andropov is the new General Secretary. The administration reacted quickly to the death of Brezhnev (November 10). The very next day I received a call from Clark, the President's assistant for national security, and conveyed Reagan's condolences. He said that
From the book Josip Broz Tito author Matonin Evgeniy VitalievichDeath of Andropov. The new General Secretary Andropov died on February 9. I pinned some hopes on him for a gradual improvement in Soviet-American relations. In terms of his intellectual abilities, he was, of course, significantly higher than Brezhnev and Chernenko. He
From the book The Most Closed People. From Lenin to Gorbachev: Encyclopedia of Biographies author Zenkovich Nikolay Alexandrovich From the book Stalin. The life of one leader author Khlevnyuk Oleg VitalievichTito - General Secretary While Tito was on his way, two things happened in the world most important events. On August 23, a Non-Aggression Pact between the USSR and Germany, the so-called “Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact,” was signed in Moscow, and on September 1, Germany attacked Poland. Soon
From the book Vorovsky author Piyashev Nikolay FedorovichGORBACHEV Mikhail Sergeevich (03/02/1931). General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee from 03/11/1985 to 08/24/1991 Member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee from 10/21/1980 to 08/21/1991 Candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee from 11/27/1979 to 08/21/1980 Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee from November 27, 1978 to March 11, 1985. Member of the CPSU Central Committee in 1971 - 1991. Member of the CPSU in 1952 - 1991
From the book of the Russian Head of State. Outstanding rulers that the whole country should know about author Lubchenkov Yuri NikolaevichGeneral Secretary The Bolsheviks emerged victorious from many years of struggle against internal and external enemies. However, it was not easy to explain to the exhausted country and even to ourselves why this victory was won. Hopes for a world revolution were not justified. Leninskaya
From the book Case: “Hawks and Doves of the Cold War” author Arbatov Georgy ArkadevichSECRETARY GENERAL It was warm in Italy. Remembering the Moscow cold, Vaclav Vatslavovich shivered and smiled. He felt the warm rays of the generous sun as he headed from the station to the embassy. The Italian newspapers, which he looked through on the train on the way to Rome, reported
From the author's bookGeneral Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Joseph Vissarionovich
From the author's bookGeneral Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin (1878–1953) see page.
From the author's bookFirst Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev 1894–1971 Son of poor peasants Sergei Nikanorovich and Ksenia Ivanovna Khrushchev. Born on April 3/15, 1894 in the village of Kalinovka, Dmitrievsky district, Kursk province. Nikita received his primary education at a parish school
From the author's bookGeneral Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev 1906–1982 Born on December 19, 1906 (January 1, 1907 according to the new style) in the village of Kamenskoye (later the city of Dneprodzerzhinsk) in the Yekaterinoslav province in a working-class family. Russian. In 1923–1927 he studied at Kursk
From the author's bookGeneral Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov 1914–1984 Born on June 2/15, 1914 in the village of Nagutskaya, Stavropol Territory, into the family of an employee. His nationality is Jewish. Father Vladimir Liberman changed his surname to “Andropov” after 1917, worked as a telegraph operator and
From the author's bookGeneral Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko 1911–1985 Son of a peasant, later a beacon keeper on the Yenisei River, Ustin Demidovich Chernenko and Kharitina Fedorovna Terskaya. Born on September 11/24, 1911 in the village of Bolshaya Tes, Minusinsk district, Yenisei province.
From the author's bookPresident of the USSR Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev Born in 1931, the son of collective farmer-machine operator Sergei Andreevich Gorbachev and Maria Panteleevna Gopkalo. Born on March 2, 1931 in the village of Privolnoye, Stavropol Territory. Graduated from the Moscow Faculty of Law in 1955.
From the author's bookMikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev. At the turning point Election of M.S. Gorbachev was expected by the General Secretary with a certain impatience and was widely (though by no means everyone) welcomed. From the first days of his tenure in this post, he had numerous supporters ready to help him, with
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